Archive for March, 2011

Like December, April is a tough month for a Nevill obsessive to get through. This is the 540th April since the Battle of Barnet. Just thought I’d let you know, save you doing the maths.

1455

15-18 April Secret meetings are held at Westminster, from which York and the Nevills are not invited. The Yorkists feel that their downfall is the main item on the agenda and begin to gather their armies.

1456

April Parliament agrees to support the Calais wool staple and pay the garrison 50,000 in arrears. Calais surrenders to Warwick’s representatives, who report the poor state of repair of walls and other defences and that the garrison is under strength.

1457

25 April John Nevill marries Isobel Ingoldisthorpe at Canterbury Cathedral. Archbishop Bourchier officiates.

Warwick, his countess and two small daughters set sail for Calais.

1460

Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter and Admiral of England, puts to sea, patrolling the channel in an attempt to prevent Warwick, Salisbury and March from leaving Calais.

1461

April Warwick and Edward IV at Middleham then Durham.

Margaret of Anjou and Henry VI cede Berwick to the Scots and are given shelter.

Edward IV returns south, leaving the Nevill brothers to deal with the Lancastrians in the north.

1463

April Warwick in London for parliament and negotiations with French and Burgundian embassies.

William Nevill, Lord Fauconberg (Earl of Kent), dies.

1464

13 April Elizabeth Wydeville and William, lord Hastings, sign a marriage agreement – her son Thomas Grey (or, if he died, his brother Richard) was to marry a daughter born to Hastings and his wife Katheryn Nevill born in the next five years.

25 April Battle of Hedgely Moore – John Nevill, lord Montagu, was on his way to Scotland to escort envoys to a peace conference in York. The Lancastrian lords Hungerford and Roos fled, leaving sir Ralph Percy to hold the line alone. His forces were crushed by Montagu.

25 April Edward IV rides north

30 April Edward IV is at Stony Stratford. I wonder what happens next…

1466

15 April Warwick is in Boulogne to treat with Charles count Charolais (later duke of Burgundy). The two men take an instant dislike to one another and negotiations break down.

18 April Warwick is in Calais.

1467

mid April Edward IV sends a party to treat with count Charolais regarding marriages and alliances. Warwick is preparing to go to France with a broad commission to negotiate for peace or truce.

1469

late April Warwick is in Burgundy for discussions with the duke of Burgundy. He pays a visit to Edward IV’s youngest sister, Margaret, now duchess of Burgundy.

1470

early April After the failure of the Lincolnshire rebellion, Warwick and Clarence go to Warwick to collect the countess Anne and Anne Nevill. They go to Exeter to collect Isobel, duchess of Clarence then cross the Channel to Calais.

14 April Edward IV at Exeter – he leaves his sword behind as a reminder that he is king.

mid April Some of Warwick’s partisans are captured, tried by Worcester and executed (one or two are beheaded, about twenty sailors are hanged). Their bodies are impaled on spikes. Public opinion is scandalised.

16 April Warwick and his party are outside Calais harbour. There is a message from John Wenlock that landing at Calais would be dangerous and he warns Warwick off. Isobel Nevill goes into labour and gives birth to a son who is either stillborn or dies shortly after birth. He is buried at sea. Wenlock, on Warwick’s request, sends some wine to the ship to help strengthen Isobel.

mid April Thomas Nevill, Bastard of Fauconberg, joins Warwick. Breton and Burgundian ships and fishing vessels are captured.

Warwick sends word to Louis XI that he needs refuge.

Anthony Wydeville, earl Rivers, attacks Warwick’s ships. There are several hundred casualties and it’s a hard fight. Warwick inflicts considerable damage and manages to get away. He is not followed.

1471

1 April Edward IV occupies Warwick Castle. Messages are sent to Warwick with offers of pardon of his life. Warwick refuses to talk. Clarence is on his way.

4 April Clarence is outside Warwick Castle in battle array with banners displayed. Edward’s forces meet him. Edward, Richard Duke of Gloucester, Hastings and Rivers go to meet Clarence. A reconciliation is effected.

early April The Earl of Oxford, Duke of Exeter and Montagu are in Coventry. They get news of Clarence’s defection. Clarence sends messages in an attempt to get Warwick to reconcile with Edward IV. Warwick again refuses. Edward offers “divers good conditions and profitable for the earl if that he would have accepted them’. Warwick continues to refuse. Edward issues a final challenge.

5 April Edward IV goes to London.

8 April Courtenay and Somerset go to meet Margaret of Anjou, who’s arrival in England is expected.

10 April George Nevill, archbishop of York, brings Henry VI out of the Tower of London for a procession. Lord Zouch carries the sword of state.

The mayor of London opens the gates for Edward. George Nevill sends him a secret message of welcome.

11 April Edward IV enters London. George Nevill hands Henry VI over to him and Edward is quickly recrowned. He goes to sanctuary to collect his queen, Elizabeth Wydeville, and leaves her in his mother’s care at Baynard’s Castle.

Warwick gets news that Edward is in London, and that Louis XI has signed a three month truce with Burgundy, thus cutting off Warwick’s escape route. He writes an angry letter to Louis.

12 April Queen Elizabeth is in the Tower. George Nevill is in the Tower. Edward goes to meet Warwick.

13 April Edward heads north, he has the captive Henry VI with him.

Margaret of Anjou lands at Weymouth.

Edward arrives in Barnet. Warwick’s advance guard is in the town. Edward drives them back.

Anne, countess of Warwick, lands at Portsmouth.

14 April Battle of Barnet Warwick and Montagu are both killed.

15 April Countess of Warwick takes sanctuary at Beaulieu Abbey

Margaret of Anjou in Cerne Abbas. Anne Nevill is with her. She is met by Somerset. She hears the news from Barnet.

Edward IV disbands his army.

19 April Edward is at Windsor, raising more troops.

Somerset sends small bands around the south of England in an attempt to confuse Edward.

24 April Edward leaves London.

30 April Margaret of Anjou, Somerset et al are in Bristol.

You can find your copy here for only $14.99!

http://www.lulu.com/product/paperback/the-daisy-and-the-bear/1521343

While you’re there, why not slip a copy of Dissolution into your shopping cart?  (32.99)

http://www.lulu.com/product/paperback/dissolution/14680509

Last Chance to Win!

Posted: March 23, 2011 in The Daisy and the Bear

Ever found yourself peering at the screen, trying hard to focus on the words of that classic of Historical Romance, The Daisy and the Bear, and thinking “If only someone would come up with a way to make the reading experience better!

Well, wonder no longer! Someone has.

That classic of Historical Romance, The Daisy and the Bear, is well on its way to being published in book form! Yes, you heard it – in  book form! With pages that turn and everything! (Available only in manual) Not only that, but there are more words in the print version than can be found on this blog. That’s right – more words! And… it will be priced to suit any pocket!

“But I don’t have a pocket!” I hear you say.

Fret not, for there is a way that you can obtain a copy absolutely free!

Yes, that’s right – this classic of Historical Romance can be yours – absolutely free!

Is there a catch? I hear you say.

Well, a small one…

Simply share with the Feast your experience of reading this classic of Historical Romance and not only will your words be printed on the Back of the Book (in a cheap and shameless marketing gimmick) but you will also be in the running to win a copy of this classic of Historical Romance – absolutely free!

Here’s what some people are saying about The Daisy and the Bear, already a classic of Historical Romance:

“Takes historicity to a new level that puts Philippa Gregory to shame.”
Trish Bazalgette

“I like the little spaces between the words.”
Kate Fowler

“A momentous achievement, fit to stand beside William Shakespeare as a definitive retelling of the Wars of the Roses”

“I laughed, I cried, and then I turned off the television and started to read the book”
Susan Higganbotham

“More accurate than most history books. Funnier than most novels.”
Brian Wainwright

Just leave your comment in a comment to be in the running. The one I judge to be the best, funniest, most insulting or otherwise best fits the criteria I happen to have in my mind at the time of judging shall be declared the winner and a shiny new copy of this classic of &c &c will be winging its way to you in the blink of an eye!

Be the first on your block to own one!

I came across this story in my new book, De Nova Villa: Or The House of Nevill, In Sunshine and in Shade, by Henry J Swallow (1885) and it struck me as having all the elements anyone could wish in a ripping yarn. I’ve quite deliberately not done any further research on it just yet as Swallow’s telling of it makes for compulsive reading. (As a side note, some of his data regarding the earlier Nevills is a little off the mark, so I have no doubt this applies here as well – that’s one of the reasons I’m posting this before I dig any deeper. What Swallow does do is include contemporary sources, both complete and in extract. He wouldn’t pass muster as a ‘serious historian’ today, but the collected material in this book is extensive. He also writes in a rather jolly tone.)

It’s got everything! Rebellion, a hopeless romantic cause, treason, betrayal, religious division, defeat snatched from the grasp of victory, exile, darkly hinted at sexual infamies, abandoned children, beatification, long years of house arrest, over the top royal vengeance, sad and sorry executions… And at the heart of it, what would appear to be a strong, but doomed, love. Oh, and a character called Twinkes…

Charles Nevill, the 6th earl of Westmoreland, and Thomas Percy, 7th earl of Northumberland, along with their wives and the brother-in-law of one (Thomas Howard, 4th duke of Norfolk) hatched a plan that was broad in scope, ambitious in outcome and hopelessly short on detail. The idea was that they would free the captive Queen of Scots, marry her to Norfolk, bring down Elizabeth’s government and return England to the warm embrace of the Church of Rome. What makes this all the more interesting is that, while four of the five major conspirators were Catholic, the countess of Westmoreland (Twinkes), wasn’t. As she was Norfolk’s sister, one suspects it was the dynastic part of the plot that appealed to her more than the religious.

In 1563, Charles Nevill and Jane Howard were married. They lived at Brancepeth Castle in Country Durham and had four daughters. Just why Jane was the only non-Catholic member of a very Catholic family, Swallow doesn’t tell us, nor does he seem to have any idea as to why her husband came to call her Twinkes. Norfolk abandoned the scheme early and was imprisoned in the Tower by Elizabeth. (He learned no lesson from this, however, took part in further plots and was executed in 1572.) With Norfolk gone, the dynastic aspect of the rebellion was abandoned and it became strictly a matter of religion.

Westmoreland and Percy had some early success, with many people flocking to their side, the successful seizure of Bibles and Books of Common Prayer and the forced saying of Mass in churches in the north. Thomas Ratcliffe, earl of Sussex, sent a series of letters to the queen, begging for money and resources to put down the rebellion. Little was forthcoming.

Like Norfolk, there seemed to be a failure of resolve on the part of Westmoreland and Northumberland. When Mary Queen of Scots was removed to Coventry, the focus of their revolt vanished. Faced with resistance from Lord Scrope, “[i]n the earl of Northumberland the blood of Hotspur had cooled to the passive temperature which could suffer, but could not act.” The rebels, leaving Twinkes behind in Brancepeth, headed north for Scotland and refuge. The Northumberlands’ daughters were also left behind at Topcliffe. Westmoreland’s cousin, Robert Constable, was sent after them. He attempted to gain Westmoreland’s trust, with the view to turning him over to the authorities in England, but failed dismally in this regard.

One rather touching part of the story (as told by Swallow) has Twinkes saying her own (protestant) prayers then, in case her fleeing husband found no time to do it for himself, his Catholic ones.

In Scotland, the fugitives didn’t fare well. Northumberland was separated from his wife, Anne Somerset, who was removed to the custody of Black Ormiston and Jock o’ the Side. Nothing detailed is said about these men, but what is is decidedly not flattering. Ormiston was “one of the murderers of Darnley” and Jock is described as a thief. Anne was pregnant and would give birth to a daughter the following May. Westmoreland soon found himself in Fernihurst Castle. Northumberland wasn’t so lucky, being betrayed into the hands of the Scots Regent, eventually repatriated to England where he was executed. Three hundred years later, he was beatified by Leo XIII, so that’s something, I suppose.

Westmoreland, urged by his wife, sent several letters to queen Elizabeth asking for pardon and promising to be good, but the queen would have none of it. He eventually made his way to Flanders.

While Swallow gleefully repeats the (unfounded) gossip about Westmoreland and the Laird of Fernihurst’s ‘wanton’ lady, he, much more discreetly, doesn’t care to dwell on the tribulations of the countess of Northumberland as she made her way to eventual safety in Flanders. Such shyness invites speculation of a particularly sordid kind!

Once the rebellion was quelled and the protagonists either dead or in exile, Elizabeth wreaked a bloody vengeance on the commons of the north. Many hundreds were hanged, though Swallow (citing supporting sources) suggests that many who might prove useful, or who had little in the way of property to seize, were pardoned and spared.

Twinkes hung on at Brancepeth for a while, on a not terribly generous pension from the crown, but eventually moved to London, where she spent the rest of her life essentially under house arrest. She never saw her husband again and died in 1593.

The abandoned Percy children were finally rescued by a kind relative. ‘The poor children as they looked shivering out of their window, must have seen scores of their father’s servants hanging on the trees about the house.” Their oldest daughter, Elizabeth, was lured to Flanders by news of her mother’s death. The countess was very much alive, however, and had used this trick in order to see her daughter. Westmoreland, slightly bonkers by this time, died in 1601. Mary Percy, the child born in exile, founded the Benedictine order in Brussels.

Three of the four Westmoreland daughters found themselves in serious trouble after their mother died, but that is a story for another time, perhaps.

Well, I was hoping to be able to make a Big Announcement on the first anniversary of the Feast, but things haven’t quite come together yet. So, I thought I’d bring you a Feast Lucky Dip instead. Click on a link below to see where it takes you.

 

Kingmaker Goodbye, Mary Sue! Welcome to Yorkshire Pawn 2 to Queen

Avast there, me hearties! Time Machine The Littlest Nevill of All

This is why I love them Cliches in One Dimension After School Special

In for the long haul Young Hearts Conspicuous consumption

Not the Alcoholic Wifebeater Clarence Contractual Obligations Joined at the hip? FEUD!

 

Lighten Up – IT’S FICTION!



On 14 March, the hastily deposed and recently exiled king Edward IV landed at Ravenspur in Yorkshire. In exactly one month, he would once again be the reigning king and within two, for the first time in his reign, the only king of England.

Croyland

For the said king Edward, being provided with troops and ships by Charles, duke of Burgundy, about the middle of the ensuing Lent after his banishment effected a landing with fifteen hundred English followers in the district of Holdernesse, at the same spot at which Henry the Fourth had formerly landed when about to dethrone king Richard. Passing through the city of York, he assumed no other title beyond that of duke, as being heir to his father; for it was necessary to use some dissimulation there, as many of the people were opposed to him. After this, he arrived, without any resistance being offered, before the city of Coventry, in which the earls of Warwick and Oxford had shut themselves with a great body of troops.

In the meantime, the duke of Clarence before-named, brother to king Edward, had been fully reconciled to the king by the mediation of his sisters, the duchesses of Burgundy and Exeter, of whom, the one without the kingdom, and the other within it, entreated the duke to make peace with his brother; after which, he hurried with a very large force from the western parts of the kingdom to the king’s presence. The numbers on the king’s side thus increasing every day, the earls at Coventry did not dare venture either to proclaim against the king or to accept the pitched battle which was offered them by him.

Warkworth’s Chronicle

And in the secunde weke of Marche, the xlix yere of the regne of Kynge Herry the vj, and in the x yere of the regne of Kynge Edward the iiij, the same Kynge Edwarde toke his schyppinge in Flaunders, and hade withe hym the Lorde Hastynges and the Lords Say and ix c of Englismenne and three hundred of Flemmynges with handegonnes, and sailed toward Englonde, and had grete troble uppon the see with stormys, and lost a schyppe withe horse; and purpost to have londede in Northfolke, and one of the Erle [of] Oxenforde’s brother withe the comons of the cuntre arose up togedere, and put hym abake to see ageyne. And after that, as he was so trobled in the see, that he was fayne to londe in Yorkeschyre at Ravenys-spore; and there rose agenys hym alle the cuntre of Holdernes, whose capteyne was a preste, and a persone of the same cuntre called Sere Jhon Westerdale, whiche aftyrwarde for his abused disposycion was casten in presone in the marshalse in Londone by the same Kynge Edwarde; for the same preste mett Kynge Ewarde and askede of the cause of hys landynge; and he answeryde that he came thedere by the Erle of Northumberlondes avyse; and schewede the Erles lettere ysend to hym &c undere his seale; and also he came for to clayme the Duchery of Yorke, where the whiche was his inherytaunce of ryght, and so passed forthe to the cite of Yorke, where Thomas Clyfford lete hym inne, and ther he was examynede ayenne; and he sayde to the mayre and aldermenne and to alle the comons of the cite, in likewyse as he was afore at Holdernes at his landyng; that was to sey that [he] nevere wulde clayme no title, ne take uppone honde to be Kynge of Englonde, nor wuld have do afore that tyme, but he excitynge and sturing of the Erle of Warwyke; and therto afore alle peple, he cryed “A! Kynge Herry! A! Kynge and Prynce Edwarde!” and wered ane estryche feder, Prynce Edwardes lyvery. And after this he was suffred to passe the cite, and so helde his wey southwarde, and no man lettyed hym ne hurtyde him.

Afterward that, he came towarde Notyngham, and ther came to hyme Sere William Stanley, with ccc men and Sere William Norys, and dyverse other menne and tenauntes of Lorde Hastynges, so that he hade M{1}, M{1} menne and moo; and anone aftere he made his proclamacyone, and called hym self Kynge of Englonde and of Fraunce, Thenne toke he his wey to Leycetre, where the Erle of Warwyke and the Lard Markes his brother with iiij, m{1} menne or moo. And Kynge Edwarde sent a messyngere to them, that yf thai wulde come oute, that he wulde feght withe hym tylle he came hym self; and alle was to the distruccion of the Erle of Warwyke, as it happenede alftyrwarde. yet so the Erle of Warwyke kept stille the gates of the toun schet, and suffrede Kynge Edwarde passe towarde Londone; and a litelle out of Warwyke mett the Duke of Clarence with Kynge Edward, with vjj M{1} men, and ther thei were made acorde, and mad a proclamacion forthewithe in Kynge Edwardes name; and so alle covandes of fydelite, made betwyx the Duke of Clarence, and the Erle of Warewyk, Quene Margarete, Prince Edwarde hir sonne, bothe in Englonde and in Fraunce, were clerly brokene and forsakene of the seide Duke of Clarence; whiche, in conclusions, was distruccion bothe to hym and them; for perjury schall nevere have better ende, witheoute grete grace of God. Vide finem &c.

Commynes

King Edward set sail for England in the year 1471, at the same time as the Duke of Burgundy marched towards Amines against the King of france. The duke was of opinion that the affairs of England could not go amiss for him, since he was sure of friends on both sides. King Edward was no sooner landed, but he marched for London where he had above 2000 of his party in sanctuary; among whom were 300 or 400 knights and esquires, who were of great advantage to his affairs, for he brought over with him a small number of forces. The Earl of Warwick was at that time in the north with a powerful army, but upon the news of King Edward’s landing, he marched back again with all speed towards London, in hopes to have got thither before him. However, he presumed the city would have been true to him but he was mistaken; for King Edward was received into the city on Maundy Thursday, with the universal acclamations of the citizens, contrary to the expectations of most people, for everybody looked upon him as lost; and without dispute, if the citizens had but shut their gates against him, he had been irrevocably lost, for the Earl of Warwick was within a day’s march of him. As I have been since informed, there were three things especially, which contributed to his reception into London. The first was, the persons who were in sanctuaries, and the birth of a young prince, of whom the queen was there brought to bed. The next was, the great debts he owed in the town, which obliged all the tradesmen who were his creditors to appear for him. The third was, that the ladies of quality, and rich citizens’ wives with whom he had formerly intrigued, forced their husbands and relations to declare themselves on his side.

The Arrivall

In the yere of grace 1471, aftar the comptinge of the churche of England, the ij day of Marche, endynge the x yere of the reigne of our soveraign Lord Kynge Edwarde the IV, by the grace of God Kynge of England and of Fraunce, and Lord of Irland, the sayde moaste noble kynge accompanied with ij thowsand Englyshe men, well chosen, entendynge to passe the sea, and to reentar and recovar his realme of England, at that tyme usurpyd and occuped by Henry, callyed Henry VI, by the traytorous meanes of the greate rebell Richard, Erle of Warwicke, and his complices, entered into his shipe, afore the haven of Flisshinge, in Zeland, the sayde ij of Marche; and forasmoche as aftar he was in the shippe, and the felowshipe also, with all that to them appertayned, the wynd fell and not good for hym, he therefore wold not retorne agayne to the land, but abode in wynde and wether; whiche had the xj daye of Marche, he made saile, and so did all the shipps that awayted upon hym, takyng theyr cowrse streyght over the coste of Norfolke, and came before Crowmere, the Tuesdaye, agayne even, the xij day of Marche; withar the Kynge sent on land Ser Robart Chambarlayne, Syr Gilbert Debenham, Knyghts, and othar, trustinge by them to have some knowledge how the land inward was disposed towards hym, and, specially, the countries there nere adioyninge, as in party so they browght hym knowledge from suche as for that caws wer sent into thos parties from his trew servaunts and partakars within the land, whiche tolde them, for certayne, that those parties wer right sore beset by th’Erle of Warwyke, and his adherents, and, in especiall, by th’Erle of Oxenforde, in such wyse that, of lyklyhood, it might not be for his wele to land in the contrye; and a great cawse was, for the Duke of Norfolke was had owt of the contrye, and all the gentlemen of whom th’Erle of Warwicke bare any suspicion ware, afore that, sent for by letars of privie seale, and put in warde about London, or els found surety; natheles, the sayd ij Knyghts, and they that came on land with them, had right good chere, and turned agayne to the sea. Whos report herd, the Kynge garte make course towards the north partyes. The same night followinge, upon the morne, Wenesday and Thursday the xiiij daye of Marche, fell great stormes, wynds and tempests upon the sea, so that the sayde xijjj day, in great torment, he came to Humbrehede, where the othar shipps were dissevered from hym, and every from other, so that, of necessitye, they were dryven to land, every fere from other. The Kynge, with his shippe aloone, wherein was the Lord Hastings, his Chambarlayne, and other to the nombar of v{c} well chosen men, landed within Humber, on Holderness syde, at a place callyed Ravenersporne, even in the same place where sometime the Usurpowr Henry of Derby, aftar called Kynge Henry IV landed, aftar his exile, contrary and to the dissobeysance of his sovereigne lord, Kynge Richard the II whome, aftar that, he wrongfully distressed, and put from his reigne and regalie, and usurped it falsely to hymselfe and to his isswe, from whome was linially descended Kynge Henry, at this tyme usinge and usurpinge the coronoe, as sonne to his eldest sonne, somtyme callyed Kynge Henry the V. The Kynte’s brothar Richard, Duke of Glowcestar, and, in his company, iij{c} men, landyd at an othar place iiij myle from thens. The Earle Rivers, and the felowshipe beinge in his companye, to the nombar of ij{c}, landyd at a place called Powle, xiiij myle from there the Kynge landyd, and the reminaunt of his felowshipe wher they myght best get land. That night the Kynge was lodgyd at a power village, ij myle from his landynge, with a few with hym; but that nyght, and in the morninge, the resydewe that were comen in his shipe, the rage of the tempest somewhate appeasyd, landyd and alwaye drewe towards the Kynge. And on the morne, the xv day of Marche, from every landynge place the felowshipe came hoole towards hym. As to the folks of the countrye there came but right few to gym, or almost none, for, by the scuringe of suche persons as for that cawse were, by his said rebells, sent afore into thos partes for to move them to be agains his highnes, the people were sore endwsed to be contrary to hym, and not to receyve, ne accepe hym, as for theyr Kynge; natwithstondynge, for the love and favour before they had borne to the prince of fulnoble memorye, his father, Duke of Yorke, the people bare hym right great favowr to be also Duke of Yorke, and to have that of right apartayned unto hym, by the right of the sayde noble prince his fathar. And, upon this opinion, the people of the countrie, whiche in greate nombar, and in dyvars placis, were gatheryd, and in harnes, redye to resiste hym in chalenginge of the Royme and the crowne, were disposyd to content them selfe, and in noo wyse to annoy hym, ne his felowshipe, they affirymynge that to such entent were [they] comen, and none othar. Whereupon, the hoole felowshipe of the Kynges comen and assembled togethar, he toke advise what was best to doo, and concludyd brifely, that, albe it his enemies and chefe rebells were in the sowthe partes, at London and ther about, and that the next way towards them had to be by Lyncolneshire, yet, in asmooche as, yf that shulde have taken that waye, they must have gon eft sones to the watar agayne, and passyd ovar Humbar, whiche they abhoryd for to doo; and also, for that, yf they so dyd it would have be thowght that they had withdrawn them for feare, which note of sklaundar they wer right lothe to suffar; for thes, and othar goode considerations, they determined in themselves not to goo agayne to the watar, but to holde the right waye to his City of Yorke. The Kynge determined also, that, for as longe as he shuld be in passynge thrughe and by the contrye, and to the tyme that he myght, by th’assistaunce of his trew servaunts, subiects and lovars whiche he trustyd veryly in his progres shuld come uunto hym, be of suche myght and puissaunce as that were lykly to make a sufficient party, he and all thos of his felowshipe, shuld noyse, and say openly, were so evar they came, that his entent and purpos was only to clame to be Duke of Yorke, and to have and enjoy th’enheritaunce that he was borne unto, by the right of the full noble prince his fathar, and none othar. Thrwghe whiche noysynge the people of the contrye that were gatheryd and assembled in dyvars placis, to the number of vi or vij thowsand men, by the ledinge and gwydynge of a priste the vycar of ———, in one place, and a gentleman of the same contry, callyd Martin of the See, to th’entent to have resisted and lettyd hym his passage by the stiringe of his rebells, theyr complices and adherents, toke occasyon to owe and beare hym favowre in that qwarell, not discoveringe, ne remeberinge, that his sayd fathar, bisydes that he was rightfully Duke of Yorke, he was also verrey trew and rightwise enheritour to the roylme and corone of England &c so he was declared by [the] iij astates of the land, at a parliament holden at Westmynster, unto this day never repelled, ne revoked. And, under this manar, he kepinge furthe his purpos with all his felowshipe, toke the right way to a gode towne, called Beverley, being in his high way towards Yorke. He sent to an othar gode towne, walled, but vj myles thens, called Kyngstown upon Hull, desyringe th’enhabitants to have openyd it unto hym, but they refused so to doo, by the meanes and stirings of his rebells, whiche aforne had sent thethar, and to all the contrye, strict commendements willing, and also charginge, them, at all their powers, to withstonde the Kynge, in caase he there aryved. And, therefore, levinge that towne, he kept his way forthe streight to Yorke. And nere this way were also assembled great compaignies in divars places, muche people of the contrie, as it was reported, but they cam not in syght, but all they suffred hym to pas forthe by the contrye; eythar, for that he had all his felowshipe pretended by any manar langage none othar qwarell but for the right that was his fathars, the Duke of Yorke; of ells, for that, thowghe they were in nombar mo than he, yet they durst not take upon them to make hym any manifest warre, knowynge well the great curage and hardines that he was of, with the parfete asswrance of the felowshipe that was with hym; or ells, paradventure, for that certayne of theyr captaines and garders were some whate enduced to be the more benivolent for money that the Kynge gave them; wherfore the Kynge, keping furthe his way, cam beforn Yorke, Monday the xviij. day of the same monithe. Trewthe is that aforne the Kynge came at the citie, by iij myles, came unto him one callyd Thomas Coniers, Recordar of the citie, whiche had not bene afore that named trwe to the Kynges partie. He tolde hym that it was not good for hym to come to the citie, for eyther he shuld not be suffred to enter, or els, in caas he enteryd, he was lost, and undone, and all his. The Kynge, seeing so ferforthly he was in his ionrey that in no wyse he might goo backe with that he had begone, and that no good myght folowe but only of hardies, decreed in hymselfe constantly to purswe that he had begon, and rathar to abyde what God and good fortune would gyve hym, thwoghe it were to hym uncertayne, rathar than by laches, or defaulte of curage, to susteyne reprooche, that of lyklihode shulde have ensued; And so, therfore, notwithstondinge the discoraginge words of the Recordar, which had be afore suspecte to hym and his partie, he kept boldely forthe his ionrey, streyght towards the citie. And, within a while, came to hym, owt of the citie, Robart Clifford and Richard Burghe, whiche gave hym and his felowshipe bettar comforte, affirmynge, that in the qwarell aforesayde of his fathar the Duke of Yorke, he shuld be receyvyd and sufferyd to passe; whereby, better somewhate encoragyd, he kepte his waye; natheles efte sonnes cam the sayde Coniers, and put hym in lyke discomforte as afore. And so, sometyme comfortyd and sometyme discomfortyd, he came to the gates of the citie, where his felashipe made a stoppe, and himself and xvj or xvij persons, in the ledings of the sayde Clifford and Richard Burgh passed even in at the gates, came to the worshipfull folks whiche were assembled a little within the gates, and shwed them th’entent and purpos of his comming, in suche forme, and with such maner langage, that the people contentyd htem therwithe, and so receyvyd hym, and all his felawshipe, that night, when he and all his feloshipe abode and were refreshed well to they had dyned on the morne, and than departed out of the citie to Tadcastar, a towne of th’Erls of Northumbarland, x mile sowthwards. And, on the morrow after that, he toke his waye towards Wakefielde and Sendall, a grete lorshipe appartayninge to the Duke of Yorke, leving the Castell of Pomfrete on his lefte hand, wher abode, and was, the Marqwes Montagwe, that in no wyse trowbled hym, ne none of his fellowshipe, but sufferyd hym to passe in peasceable wyse, were it with good will or noo, men may juge at theyr pleaswre; I deme ye, but trouth it is,that he ne had nat, ne cowthe not have gatheryd, ne made, a felashipe of nombar sufficient to have openly resistyd hym in hys qwarell, ne in Kynge Henries qwarell; and one great caws was, for great partie of the people in thos partis lovyd the Kyngs person well, and cowthe nat be encoragyd directly to doo agayne hym in that qwarell of the Duke of Yorke, which in almannar langage of all his fellawshipe was covertly pretendyd, and none othar. An othar grete cawse, for grete partye of [the] noble men and comons in thos parties were towards th’Erle of Northumbarland, and would not stire with any lorde or noble man other than with the sayde Earle, or at leaste by his commandement. And, for soo muche as he sat still, in suche wise that yf the Marques wolde have done his besines to have assembled them in any manier qwarell, neithar for his love, whiche they bare hym none, ne for any commandement of higher autoritie, they ne wolde in no cawse, ne qwarell, have assisted hym. Wherein it may right well appere, that the said Erle, in this behalfe, dyd the Kynge right gode and notable service, and, as it is deemed in the conceipts of many men, he cowthe nat hav done hym any beter service, ne not thowghe he had openly declared hym selfe extremly parte-taker with the Kynge in his rightwys qwarell, and, for that entent, have gatheryd and assemblyd all the people that he might have made; for, how be it he loved the Kynge trewly and parfectly, as the Kynge thereof had certayne knowledge, and wolde, as of himselfe and all his power, have served hym trewly, yet it was demyd, and lykly it was trewe, that many gentlemen, and othar, whiche would have be araysed by him, woulde not so fully and extremly have determyned them selfe in the Kyng’s right and qwarell as th’Erle wolde have done hymselfe; havynge in theyr freshe remembraunce how that the Kynge, at the first entrie-winning of his right to the Royme and Crowne of England , had and won a great battaile in those same parties, where theyr Maistar, th’Erll’s fathar, was slayne, many of theyr fathars, theyr sonns, theyr britherne, and kynsemen, and othar many of theyr neighbowrs; wherefore, and nat without cawse, it was thowght that they cowthe nat have borne verrey good will, and done theyr best service, to the Kynge, at this tyme, and in this quarell. And so it may be resonably judged that this was a notable good service, and politiquely done, by th’Erle. For his sittynge still caused the citie of Yorke to do as they dyd, and no werse, and every man in all thos northe partes to sit still also, and suffre the Kynge to passe as he dyd, nat with standynge many were right evill disposed of them selfe agaynes the Kynge, and, in especiall, in his qwarell. Wherefore the Kynge may say as Julius Cesar sayde, he that is nat agaynst me is with me. And othar right greate cause why the Marqwes made nat a felawshippe agaynst hym for to have trowbled hym [was], for thwoghe all the Kynges [felowshipe] at that season were nat many in nombar, yet they were so habiled, and so well piked men, and, in theyr werke they hadd on hand, so willed, that it had bene right hard to right-a-great felashipe, moche greatar than they, or gretar than the Marquis, or his friends, at that tyme, cowthe have made, or assembled, to have put the Kynge and his sayde felowshipe to any distresse. And nothar cawse [was], where as he cam thrwghe the cuntre there, the people toke an opinion, that yf the peoples of the contries wherethrwghe he had passed aforne, had owght him any mannar of malice, or evill will, they would some what have shewed it whan he was amongs them, but, inasmoche as no man had so don aforne, it was a declaration and evidence to all thos by whome he passyd after, that in all othar contries wer none but his good lovars; and greate foly it had bene to the lattar cuntries to have attempted that the former cuntries would not, thinkynge verilie that, in suche case, they, as his lovars, would rathar have ayded hym thann he shulde have bene distressed; wherefore he passed with moche bettar will.

Abowte Wakefylde, and thos parties, came some folks unto hym, but not so many as he supposed wholde have comen; nevarthelesse his nombar was encreasyd. And so from thens he passyd forthe to Doncastar, and so forthe to Notyngham. And to that towne came unto hym two good Knyghts, Syr William Parre, and Ser James Harington, with two good bands of men, well arrayed, and habled for warr, the nombar vi{c} men.

The Kynge, beinge at Notyngham, and or he came there, sent the scorers alabowte the contries adioynynge, to aspie and serche yf any gaderyngs were in any place agaynst hym; some of whome came to Newerke, and undarstode well that there was, within the towne, the Duke of Excestar, th’Erle of Oxforde, the Lord Bardolf, and othar, with great felowshipe, which th’Erle and they had gatheryd in Essex, in Northfolke, Sowthefolke, Cambridgeshire, Huntyngdonshire, and Lyncolneshire, to the nombar of iiij{m} men. The sayde Duke and Erll, havynge knowledge that the sayde forrydars of the Kyngs had bene aforne the towne in the evenynge, thinkynge verily that the Kynge, and his hole hoste, were approchinge nere, and would have come upon them, determyned shortly within themselfe that [they] might not abyde his comynge. Wherefore, erly, abowte two of the cloke in the mornynge, they flede out of the towne, and ther they lost parte of the people that they had gatheryd and browght with them thethar. Trewthe it was, that, whan the Kynges aforne-ridars had thus espyed theyr beinge, they acertaynyd the Kynge therof, at Notyngham, which, incontinent, assembled all his felowshipe, and toke the streyght waye to-them-wards, within three myle of the towne. And, there, came to hym certayne tydings that they were fledd owt of Newerke, gonn, and disperpled, to determyne his qwarell in playne fielde, which the same Earele refused to do at that tyme, and so he dyd iij dayes aftar-ensuinge continually. The Kynge, seinge this, drwe hym and all his hooste streght to Warwike, vijj small myles from thens, where he was receyvyd as Kynge, and so made his proclamations from that tyme forthe wards; where he toke his lodgyngs, wenynge thereby to have gyven the sayde Earle gretar cowrage to have yssyed owte of the towne of Coventrye, and to have taken the fielde, but he ne would so doo. Nathelesse dayly came certayne personns on the sayde Erlls behalve to the Kinge, and made greate moynes, and desired him to treat with hym, for some gode and expedient appoyntment. And, how be it the Kynge, by the advise of his Counseylors, graunted the sayd Elre his lyfe, and all his people beinge there at that tyme, and dyvers othar fayre offers made hym, consythar his great and haynows offenses; which semyd resonable, and that for the wele of peax and tranquilitie of the Realme of England, for ther-by to avoyde th’effusyon of Christen bloode, yet he ne woulde accepte the sayde offars, ne accorde thereunto, but yf he myght have had suche apoyntment unresonable as myght nat in eny wyse with the Kyngs honowr and swretye.

Here is to be remembride how that, at suche season aforne, as whan the Kynge was in Holand, the Duke of Clarence, the Kyngs second brothar, consyderinge the great inconveniences whereunto as well his brother the Kynge, he, and his brother the Duke of Glocestar, were fallen unto, thrwghe and by the devysyon that was betwixt them, whereunto, by the subtyle compassynge of th’Erle of Warwike, and his complices, they ewre browght, and enduced; as, first to be remembred, the dishertinge of them all from the Royme and Crowne of England, and that therto apperteynyd; and besyds that, the mortall warre and detestable, lykely to falle betwixt them; and ovar this, that yt was evident that to what party so evar God woulde graunte the victorye, that, notwithstandynge, the wynner shuld nat be in eny bettar suerty therefore of his owne estate and parson, but abyde in as greate, or greatar, dangar than they wer in at that tyme. And, in especiall, he cnsidered well, that hymselfe was had in great suspicion, despite, disdeigne, and hatered, with all the lordes, noblemen, and othar, that were adherents and full partakers with Henry, the Usurpar, Margaret his wyfe, and his sonne Edward, called Prince; he sawe also, that they dayly laboryd amongs them, brekynge theyr appoyntments made with hym, and, of lyklihed, aftar that, shuld continually more and more fervently entend, conspire, and procure the distruction of hym, and of all his blode, wherethrwghe it apperyd also, that the Roylme and Regalie shuld remaygne to suche as thereunto myght nat en eny wyse have eny rightwyse title. And, for that it was unnaturall, and agaynes God, to suffar any suche werre to continew and endure betwixt them, if it myght otharwyse be, and, for othar many and great considerations, that by right wyse men and virtuex were layed afore hym, in many behalfs, he was agreed to entend to some good appointment for the pacification. By right covert wayes and meanes were good mediators, and mediatricis, the highe and myghty princis my Lady, theyr mothar; my lady of Exceter, my lady of Southfolke, theyre systars; my Lord Cardinall of Cantorbery; my Lord of Bathe; my Lord of Essex; and, moste specially, my Lady of Bourgoigne; and othar, by mediacions of certayne priests, and othar well disposyd parsouns. Abowte the Kyngs beinge in Holland, and in other partes beyond the sea, great and diligent labowre, with all effect, was continually made by the high and mighty princesse, the Duches of Bowrgine, which at no season ceasyd to send hir servaunts, and messengars, to the Kynge, wher he was, and to my sayd Lorde of Clarence, into England; and so dyd his verrey good devowre in that behalfe my Lord of Hastings, the Kyng’s Chambarlayne, so that a parfecte accord was appoyntyd, concludyd, and assured, betwixt them; wherein the sayde Duke of Clarence full honorably and trwly acquited hym; for, as sune as he was acertaygned of the Kyngs arivall in the north parties, he assembled anon suche as would do for hym, and, assone as he godly myght, drew towards the Kynge, hym to abyde and assyste agaynste all his enemyes, accompanied with mo than iiij{m}.

The Kynge, that tyme beinge at Warwyke, and undarstondynge his neere approchinge, upon an aftarnone isswyed out of Warwike, with all his felowshipe, by the space of three myles, into a fayre fylde towards Banbery, where he saw the Duke, his brothar, in faire array, come towards hym, with a greate felashipe. And, whan they were togedars, within lesse than an halfe myle, the Kynge set his people in aray, the bannars [displayed] and lefte them standynge still, takynge with hym his brothar of Glocestar, the Lord Rivers, Lord Hastings, and fewe othar, and went towards his brothar of Clarence. And, in lyke wyse, the Duke, for his partye takyinge with hym a fewe noble men, and levinge his hoost in good order, departyd from them towards the Kynge. And so they mett betwixt both hostes, where was right kynde and lovynge langwage betwixt them twoo, with parfite accord knyt togethars for evar here aftar, with as hartyly lovynge chere and countenaunce, as might be betwix two bretherne of so grete nobley and astate. And than, in lyke wyse, spake togethar the two Dukes of Clarnence and Glocestar, and, aftar, othar noble men beinge there with them, whereof all the people there that lovyd them, and awght them theyr trew service, were right glade and ioyows, and thanked God highly of that ioyows metynge, unitie, and accorde, hopynge that, therby, shuld growe unto them prosperows fortune, in all that they shuld aftar that have a doo. And than the trompetts and minstrels blew uppe, and, with that, the Kynge browght his brothar Clarence, and suche as were there with hym, to his felowshipe, whom the sayd Duke welcomyd into the land in his best manner, and they thanked God, and hym, and honoryd hym as it apparteygned.

Aftar this, the Kynge, yet levinge his hooste standynge still, with the sayd few persons went with his brothar of Clarence to his hoste, whome he hertily welcomyd, and promised hym largely of his grace and good love, and, from thens, they all come hoole togethars to the Kyngs hooste, when ethar party welcomyd and jocundly receyvyd othar, with perfect frindlynes; and, so, with greate gladnes, bothe hostes, with theyr princes, togethars went to Warwyke, with the Kynge, and ther lodged, and in the countrie near adioyninge.

Sone aftar this the Duke of Clarence, beinge right desyrows to have procuryd a goode accorde betwyxt the Kynge and th’Erle of Warwyke; not only for th’Erle, but also for to reconsyle therby unto the Kyngs good grace many lordes and noble men of his land, of whom many had largly taken parte with th’Erle; and for this the weale of peax and tranquilitie in the land, and in avoydynge of cruell and mortall were, that, of the contrary, was lykly, in shortyme, to enswe; he made, therefore, his mocions, as well to the Kynge as to th’Erle, by messagis sendynge to and fro, bothe for the well above sayde, as to acquite hym trwly and kyndly in the love he bare unto hym, and his blood, whereunto he was allied by the marriage of his dawghtar. The Kynge, at th’ynstaunce of his sayd brothar, the Duke, was content to shew hym largly his grace, with dyvars good condicions, and profitable for th’Erle yf that he woulde have acceptyd them. But th’Erle, whether he in maner dispaired of any good pardurable continuaunce of good accord betwixt the Kynge and hym, for tyme to come, consyderinge so great attemptes by hym comytted agaynst the Kynge; or els, for that willinge to enterteigne the greate promises, pacts, and othes, to the contrary, made solempnily, and also priuately sworne, to the Frenche Kynge, Qwene Margarete, and hir sonne Edward, in the qwarell of them, and of his owne sechinge, wherefrom he ne couthe departe, without grete desklaundar; or els, for that he had afore thwoght, and therefore purveyed, that, in caase he myght nat get to have the ovar-hand of the Kynge, his meanes were founden of sure and certayne escape by the sea to Calais, whiche was enswryd to hym selfe in every caas that myght hape hym, so that it myght fortwne hym to come thethar; or els, for that certayne parsons beinge with hym in companye, as th’Erle of Oxenforde, and othar, beinge desposed in extrem malice agaynst the Kynge, wolde not suffre hym t’accepte any mannar of appoyntment, were it resonable or unresonable, but causyd hym to refuse almannar of appointements; whiche as many men deme was the verray cawse of none acceptinge of the Kyngs [grace]; wherefore all suche treaty brake and toke none effecte.

In this meane season of the Kyngs beinge at Warwyke, cam to the Erle of Warwyke, to Coventrye, the Duke of Excestar, the Marques Mountagwe, th’Erle of Oxenforde, with many othar in great nombar, by whos than commynge dayly grew and encreasyd the felwoshipe of that partye. The Kynge, withe his brithern, this consyderinge, and that in no wyse he cowthe provoke hym to come owt of the towne, ne thingkynge it behoffoll to assayll, ne to tary for the asseginge therof; as well for avoydaunce of greate slaghtars that shuld therby enswe, and for that it was thowght more experdient to them to draw towards London, and there, with helpe of God, and th’assystaunce of his trwe lords, lovars, and servaunts, whiche were there, in thos partes, in great nombar; knowynge also, that his principall advarsarye, Henry, with many his partakers, were at London, ther usurpynge and usyinge the athoritie royall, which barred and letted the Kyng of many aydes and assystaunces, that he shuld and mowght hav had, in divars parties, yf he myght ones shew himselffe of powere to breke their actoritie; wherefore, by th’advyse of his sayd brithern, and othar of his cownsell, he toke his purpos to London wards, and so departyd fro Warwicke; yet, efte sones, shewinge hym, and his hoste, before Coventrie, and desyringe the sayd Erle, and his felashipe, to come owte, and, for to determyne his qwarell by battayle, whiche he and they utterly refused, wherefore the Kynge, and his brethern kept forthe theyr purpos sowthewardes. And this was the v. day of Aprell the Friday.

On Satarday, the Kynge, with all his hooste, cam to a towne called Davantre, where the Kynge, with greate devocion, hard all divine service upon the morne, Palme-Sonday, in the parishe churche, wher God, and Seint Anne, shewyd a fayre miracle; a goode pronositique of good aventure that aftar shuld befall unto the Kynge by the hand of God, and mediation of that holy matron Seynt Anne. For, so it was, that, afore that tyme, the Kynge, beinge out of his realme, in great trowble, thowght, and hevines, for the infortwne and adversitie that was fallen hym, full often, and, specially upon the sea, he prayed to God, owr Lady, and Seint George, and, amonges othar saynts, he specially prayed to Seint Anne to helpe hym, where that he promysed, that, at the next tyme that it shuld hape hym to se any ymage of Seint Anne, he shuld therto make his prayers, and gyve his offeringe, in honor and worshipe of that blessyd Saynte. So it fell, that, the same Palme Sonday, the Kynge went in procession, and all the people aftar, in goode devotion, as the service of that daye askethe, and, whan the processyon was comen into the churche, and, by ordar of the service, were comen to that place where the vale shulbe drawne up afore the Roode, that all the people shall honor the Roode, with the anthem, Ave, three times begon, in a pillar of the churche, directly aforne the place where the Kynge knelyd, and devowtly honoryd the Roode, was a lytle ymage of Seint Anne, made of alleblastar, standynge fixed to the piller, closed and clasped togethars with four bordes, small, payntyd, and gowynge rownd abowt the image, in manar of a compas, lyke as it is to see comonly, and all abowt, where as suche ymages be wont to be made for to be solde and set up in churches, chapells, crosses, and oratories, in many placis. And this ymage was thus shett, closed, and clasped, accordynge to the rulles that, in all the churches of England, be observyd, all ymages to be hid from Ashe Wednesday to Estarday in the mornynge. And so the sayd ymage had bene from Ashwensday to that tyme. And even sodaynly, at that season of the service, the bords compassynge the ymage about gave a great crak, and a little openyd, which the Kynge well perceyveyd and all the people about hym. And anon, aftar, the bords drewe and closed toegthars agayne, withowt any mans hand, or touchinge, and, as thwoghe it had bene a thinge done with a violence, with a gretar might it openyd all abrod, and so the ymage stode, open and discovert, in syght of all the people there beynge. The Kynge, this seinge, thanked and honoryd God, and Seint Anne, takynge it for a good signe, and token of good and prosperous aventure that God wold send hym in that he had to do, and, remembringe his promyse, he honoryd God, and Seint Anne, in that same place, and gave his offerings. All thos, also, that were present and sawe this worshippyd and thanked God and Seint Anne, there, and many offeryd; takyng of this signe, shewed by the power of God, good hope of theyr good spede for to come.

The Kynge from that towne went to a good towne callyd Northhampton, wher he was well receyved, and, from thens toke the next way towardes London, levynge alway behynd hym in his jowrney a good bande of speres and archars, his behynd-rydars, to countar, yf it had neded, suche of th’Erls partye as, peradventure, he shuld have t[o] have trowbled hym on the bakhalfe, yf he do had done.

Here it is to be remembred, that, in this season of the Kyngs comynge towards and beinge at Warwyke, and of the comynge to hym of his brothar the Duke of Clarence, Edmund callynge hymselfe Duke of Somarset, John of Somarset, his brother, callyd Marqwes Dorset, Thomas Courtney, callynge hym self th’Erle of Devonshire, beinge at London, had knowledge owt of Fraunce, that Qwene Margaret, and hir sonne, callyd Prince of Wales, the Countes of Warwyke, the Prior of Seint Johns, the Lord Wenloke, with othar many, theyr adherents and parte-takers, with all that evar they myght make, were ready at the sea-stde commynge, purposynge to arive in the West Contrie; wherefore they departyd owt of London, and went into the west parties, and ther bestryd them right greatly to make an assemblye of asmoche people for to receyve them at theyr comynge, them to accompany, fortyfy, and assyst, agaynst the Kynge, and all his partakars, in the qwarels of Henry, callyd Kynge, and occupinge the regalie for that tym. And trew it was that she, hir sonne, the Countes of Warwike, the Lords, and othar of theyr fellowshipe, entryd theyr ships for that entent the xxiiij, of Marche, and so continuyd theyr abode in theyr ships, or they myght land in England, to the xiij. day of Aprell, for defawlt of good wynd, and for grete temptests upon the sea, that time, as who saythe, continuynge by the space of xx dayes. But leve we this, and retorne agayne to the Kyngs progresse in his jowrney towards London, tellynge how that he came upon Twesday, the ix. day of Aprill, from whens he sent comfortable messagis to the Qwene at Westminstar, and to his trew Lords, servaunts, and lovars, beynge at London; wherupon, by the moste covert meanes that they cowthe, [they] avised and practysed how that he myght be receyved and welcomyd at his sayde city of London. Th’Erle of Warwike, knowenge this his iowrneynge, and approchinge to London, sent his lettars to them of the citie, willinge and chargynge them to resyste him and let the receyvynge of him and of his. He wrote also to put hym in uttarmoste devowr he cowthe, to provoke the citie agayns hym, and kepe hym owt, for two or three dayes; promisynge that he wolde not fayle to come with great puisance on the bakhalfe, trustinge utterly to dystresse and distroye hym and his, as to the same he had, by his othar writyngs, encharged the maior, and the aldermen, and the comons of the citie.

Hereupon, the ix. day of Aprell, th’Archbyshope callyd unto hym togethars, at Seint Powles, within the Citie of London, suche lords, gentlemen, and othar, as were of that partye, [with] as many men in harneys of theyr servaunts and othar as they cowthe make, which, in all, passed nat in nombar vj or vij{m} men, and thereupon, cawsed Henry, called Kynge, to take an horse and ryde from Powles thrwghe Chepe, and so made a circute abowte to Walbroke, as the generall processyon of London hathe bene accustomyd, and so returned agayne to Powles, to the Bysshops Palays, where the sayd Henry at that tyme was lodged, supposynge, that, whan he had shewed hym in this arraye, they shuld have provokyd the citizens, and th’enhabitants of the citie, to have stonde and comen to them, and fortified that partye; but, threwthe it is, that the rewlars of the citie were at the counsell, and hadd set men at all the gates and wardes, and they, seynge by this manner of doinge, that the power of the sayde Henry, and his adherents, was so litle and feble as there and then was shweyd, they cowld thereby take no corage to draw to them, ne to fortefye theyr partye, and, for that they fearyd, but rathar the contrary, for so moche as they sawe well that, yf they wolde so have done, ther myght was so lytle that it was nat for them to have ones attemptyd to have resystid the Kynge in his comynge, whiche approched nere unto the citie, and was that nyght at Seint Albons. They also of the citie in great nombar, and, namly, of the moaste worshipfull, were fully disposed to favowr the Kynge, and to have the citie opne unto hym at his comynge. They of the citie also consideryd, that he was notably well accompanied with many good, hable, and well-willed men, whiche, for no power, nor no resistence that myght be made, would spare to attempt, and suporte, the takynge the citie, by all wayes possible; whereof they ne shuld have failed, consideringe that the Kynge, at that tyme had many greate and myghty frinds, lovars, and servitors, within the sayd citie, whiche would not have fayled by dyvers enterprises have made the citie open unto hym; as this myght nat be unknowne unto right many of the sayde citie; and, also, as might appere by that was don aftar in that behalfe and to that entent. Thus, what for love that many bare to the Kynge, and what for drade that many men had, how that, in caas the citie shuld have bene wonne upon them by foarce, the citiesens shuld therefore have systeyned harmes and damagis irreparable, and for many othar great consyderations, the maior, aldarmen, and othar worshipfull of the citie, determined clerly amongs them selfe to kepe the citie for the Kynge, and to opne it to hym, at his comynge; as so they sent to hym that therein they would be gwydyd to his pleaswre. Th’Archebyshope of Yorke, undarstondynge the Kyngs commyng, and approchinge nere to the citie, sent secretly unto hym desyringe to be admittyd to his grace, and to be undar good appoyntement, promittynge therefore to do unto hym great pleaswre for his well and swertye; whereunto the Kynge, for good cawse and considerations, agreed so to take hym to his grace. Th’Archbyshope, therof assuryd, was ryght well pleasyd, and therefore wele and trwlye acquite hym, in observynge the promisye that he had made to the Kynge in that behalfe.

The same nyght followynge the towre of London was taken for the Kyngs beholfe; whereby he had a playne entrie into the citie throwghe all they had not bene determyned to have receyvyd hym in, as they were. And on the morrow, the Thursday, the xj. day of Aprell, the Kynge came, and had playne overture of the sayd citie, and rode streight to Powles churche, and from thens went into the Byshops paleis, where th’Archbyshope of Yorke presentyd hym selfe to the Kyngs good grace, and, in his hand, the usurpowr, Kynge Henry; and there was the Kynge seasyd of hym and dyvars rebels. From Powles the Khynge went to Westmynstar, there honoryd, made his devout prayers, and gave thankyngs to God, Saint Petre, and Saint Edward, and then went to the Qwene, and comfortyd her; that had a longe tyme abyden and soiourned at Westmynstar, asswringe hir parson only the the great fraunchis of that holy place, in right great trowble, sorow, and hevines, whiche she sustayned with all manar pacience that belonged to eny creature, and as constantly as hathe bene sene at any tyme of so highe estate to endure; in the whiche season natheles she had browght into this worlde, to the Kyngs greatyste joy, a fayre sonn, a prince, where with she presentyd hym at his comynge, to his herts syngluler comforte and gladnes, and to all them that hym trewly loved and wolde serve. From thens, that nyght, the Kynge retornyd to London, and the Qwene with hym, and lodged at the lodgynge of my Lady his mothar; where they harde devyne service that nyght, and upon morne, Good Fryeday; where also, on the morn, the Kynge took advise of the great lords of his blood, and othar of his counsell, for the adventures that were lykely for to come.

Firstly, a girl can’t get enough books about Warwick. Secondly, this one is well worth the money.

Pollard begins with a summary of the ways Warwick has been viewed by recent historians and suggests that, while we’re getting to a fairly decent (cumulative) view of the man, his life and his impact on the world, we’re not quite there yet. He goes on to make the rather daring suggestion that perhaps some of Warwick’s words (frequently dismissed as ‘propaganda’) can, perhaps, be taken at face value. Maybe he wasn’t just out for what he could get – wealth, power, renown. Maybe he really did care about the common weal, maybe his concerns about ‘evil counsellors’ weren’t just a convenient fiction. From my point of view, that’s a very gratifying – and refreshing – suggestion.

Though, all in all, I was pleased with this book, there were a couple of sour notes that I might as well get out of the way early. Firstly, Warwick’s countess and daughters are all but invisible. Pollard does give the countess a few paragraphs late in the book, but I’m fast coming to the conclusion that, in regard to many mediaeval noble marriages, the female partner shouldn’t be quite so easily dismissed as she… often? frequently? nearly always? is. Pollard does suggest that, given the available evidence, their marriage was probably close, and that, as soon as he realised there would be no sons in his life, Warwick focussed all his attention on advancing the fortunes of his daughters. I agree with both analyses. In the second, I’d go a step further and say that Warwick started to look at his daughters’ futures – and what they could mean for the advancement and future of his line – in much the way he’d have looked at his sons’.

The second point I had some difficulty with was the suggestion that Warwick was a ‘serial killer’. It’s not the body count that’s in dispute – there can be no denying the bloodbath he shared with his brother John after Hexham – but the term itself. It grates a little, as does Hicks’s cloaked suggestion (in his prosopographic study of her life) that Richard duke of Gloucester may be thought of as a ‘paedophile’ for his marriage to the 14 year old Anne Nevill. Neither charge, as culturally loaded as they are, and as specific to certain psychologies as they are, have a place in the contexts in which they’re found.

I couldn’t help, while I was reading this book, finding myself comparing it with the gold standard – Hicks’s Warwick. While, if my life was at stake if I didn’t make a choice, I’d choose Hicks, I’d really much rather not have to. If you desperately need to know more about the man, buy both books.

Pollard’s is in three sections. Part 1 (Politics) is a succinct retelling of Warwick’s life. Hicks is more detailed here, but Pollard has details (and insights) of his own. He also highlights some events that Hicks doesn’t. Others he writes about with a little more clarity.

Part 2 (Power) deals with Warwick’s wealth and affinity. As someone who’s operating systems shuts down every time I see the word feofee, I rather skimmed the chapter on finances, though there were some bits that I read in more detail. This is largely because I haven’t yet come across a paper called Understanding Late Mediaeval Words to do with Owning Things. The other three chapters in this section – to do with Warwick’s affinity – I found particularly useful, especially chapter 8 Calais and the Keeping of the Seas. It’s in these chapters that we see names – Warwick’s council, his most devoted followers and those who left him before the end. (And, incidentally, here that I discovered that, until 1460, Gervase Clifton was Treasurer of Calais – while its a little exciting to discover such hidden nuggets, there’s a part of me that really wishes I could find them all (preferably in dot point) in one place!)

Some time ago, I found myself asking some questions prompted by Hicks’s new Wars of the Roses. I am delighted to announce that Pollard’s Warwick has got me a little closer to answering at least one of these. I find that I have a clearer understanding of some of the choices made by the earl of Salisbury, with regard to his sons and his brother-in-law, the duke of York.

Part 3 (Fame) looks at how Warwick-the-myth was viewed (and viewed himself) in his time, as well as how history sees, and has seen, him.

Almost as good as Hicks? No – in many ways it’s equal and in some, the internal structure of the book, the details of Warwick’s affinity, the chapter on Calais, it’s better. Pollard belongs on any bookshelf that already holds Hicks, and – like Hicks – can be used most effectively to replace Kendall.

Lastly, with 9 citations in the index, and a couple of things I didn’t already know, this book comfortably passes the Fitzhugh Test!

While hunting down the full text of the Manner & Guiding, I stumbled across these two (too?) sad pieces of correspondence.

(from Ellis’s Original letters)

In 1415, when his son, Richard (later duke of York), was four years old, Richard, earl of Cambridge, was “accused of a treasonable conspiracy, indicted, convicted and beheaded” (p45). This has come to be known as the Southampton Plot. During his captivity he wrote two letters to the king, Henry V: a letter of confession and a plea for mercy, “but neither had any effect upon Henry” (p45).

Cambridge’s letter of confession:

My most dredfulle and sovereyne lege Lord, lyke to yowre hynesse to wete touchyng the purpose cast ageyns ʒowre hye estate. Havyng ye Erle of Marche by his aune assent, and by the assent of myself, Wher of y most me repent of all worde [worldly] thyng and by the acord of the lord Scrop and Sir Thomas Grey, to have hadde ye forseyd erle into the lond of Walys wyth outyn yowre lycence, takying upon hym the sovereynte of ʒys lond; ʒyf yondyr manis persone wych they callyn kynge Richard hadde nauth bene alyve, as Y wot wel yat he nys not alyve, for the wyche poynt I putte me holy in ʒowre grace. And as for ye forme of a proclamacyon wych schulde hadde bene cryde in ye Erle name, as he heyre to the Corowne of Ynglond ageyns ʒow, my lege lord, calde by auntreu [untrue] name Harry of Lancastre usurpur of Yngland, to the entent to hadde made the more people to hadde draune to hym and from ʒow, of the wych crye Scrop knew not of by me, but Grey dyd, havyng wyth the erle a baner of ye Armes of Ynglond, havyng also ye coroune of Speyne on a palet, wych, my lege Lord, is one of ʒowre weddys, for ye wych offence y put me holy in ʒowre grace. And as for ye p’pose takyn by Unfrevyle and Wederyngtoun for ye bryngyng in of that persone whych they namyd kyng Richard, and Herry Percye oute of Scotland wyth a power of Scottys, and theyre power togedyrs neyming to theyme able to geve ʒow a bataylle, of ye wych entent Sir Thomas Grey wyste of, and i also, but nauth Scrop as by me; of ye wych knawing i submytte me holy into ʒowre grace. And as touchyng the Erle of Marche, and Lusy hys man, they seyden me both yat the Erle was nauth schreven of a great whyle, but at all hys confessours putte hym in penaunce to clayme yat yey callyddyn hys ryth that wold be that tyme that every iknew, heny thyng yat ever to hym longyd … … … Of ye which poynttes and artycles here befor wretyn, and of al odyr wych now arne nauth in mynde, but treuly as oft as heny to myn mynd fallyn i schal deuly and treuly certefye now thee of, besekyng to now, my lege Lord, for hys love yat syffyrd passyoun on ye good fryday see compassyoun on me ʒowre lege men, and yf heny of thes persones whos names arne contenyd in ʒyz tyme, i schalle be redy wyth the myth of god to make hyt good, as ʒee my lege Lord will awarde me.

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Brian Wainwright, over at The Yorkist Age has some thoughts on the Southampton Plot here and here.

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A plea for mercy

Myn most dredfull and sovereyne Lege Lord, i Richard York ʒowre humble subgyt and very lege man, beseke ʒow of Grace of al maner offenses wych y have done or assentyd to in heny kynde, by steryng of odyr folke eggynge me yer to, where in y wote wel i have hyll offendyd to ʒowre Hynesse; besechyng ʒow at the reverence of God yat ʒyke to take me in to the handys of ʒowre gred goodnesse. My lege Lord, my fulle trust is yat ʒee wylle have consyderacyoun, thauth yat myn persone be of none valwe, ʒowre hye goodnesse wher God hath sette ʒow in so hye estat to every lege man yat to ʒow longyth plenteousely to geve grace, yat ʒow lyke to accept ʒys myn symple reqwest for ye love of oure Lady and of ye blysfulle Holy Gost, to whome I pray yat yey mot ʒowre hert enduce to all pyte and grace for yeyre hye goodnesse.

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The earl of Cambridge was executed on 5 August 1415.

This one just broke my heart. I can’t rewrite it to include Thomas (coz he’s busy with other things, if you know what I mean, nudge nudge, wink wink…)

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Warwick poured two cups of wine and passed one to John.  They sat down, glad of the stillness, their bones aching from hours in the saddle.  It seemed to Warwick that he’d been on the road most of the last five years, a chair less familiar than a horse’s back.  He closed his eyes and yawned.

“You’ve forgotten what it’s like up here,” John said.  “Life in the south’s given you soft hands and a soft arse.”

“I’ve had to fight,” Warwick said.  “And it hasn’t all been easy.”

“You’ve changed, though.  Hard to put my finger on it.  It’s not just the fancy clothes…”  John snapped his fingers.  “Got it!  It’s like you’re only half here.  Where’s the other half?  Lying on a feather bed with your countess?”

“There’s more to life and marriage than that.”

John shook his head.  “Then I’m not sure I’m going to enjoy either.”  He took a mouthful of wine.  “You must miss them though.  Especially now you have Isobel.”

“Ah, she’s a bonny thing.  Fair like her mother.”  He looked at his brother and smiled.  “She’s got a temper, though.”

“Like her father.”

He liked to sit her on his knee and kiss her soft warm face, his fingers catching in her curls.  He liked to watch her as she slept, snuffling and stirring beneath the blankets.  Such a little thing, he thought.  So much like Anne.  It amazed him still how the two of them had together made something so perfect.

“It’s a hell of a thing, John,” he said.  “A hell of a thing.”

I put the Nevill wip down some time ago and worked on other things for a while. Now I’ve picked it back up again and I can see the major flaws. In it’s original form, I was trying to cover way too many characters and strands of the story. I’ve already pared this back courtesy of my decision to tell some of those stories in other books. Now I’ve decided to tighten the net and just have eight voices – still sounds a lot, but each pair (a married couple in each instance) will be restricted to their own part of the book. Thomas and Maud tell the first part (though not in first person!).

I had come to the decision to restrict it to the three married Nevill lads (Richard, Thomas and John), but that left a large gap that, due to logistics and timing, was left unexperienced, so to speak. So, now I’ve given their parents a chunk. Hopefully, this will work out well, though I have a feeling that I’ll need to bring Maud back for a bit of an epilogue, to tie up some loose ends. I’m not going to foreshadow too much here, but I think I’ll have a more workable format and a more readable product.

There are going to be some cut scenes that I won’t be able to use at all, either in Nevill (recast and revoiced) or either of the later books. While this is a little sad, I’m just going to have to let them go. There’s going to be some overlap, and some events will be seen through different sets of eyes, but hopefully I’ve made the breaks in logical places. I’m going to use (I think) a similar structure in The Duchesses, which will be in five voices, all first person, none of them the actual duchesses themselves. I haven’t thought that far ahead to the third book, but I’ve got the very last scene nicely in my mind (and in note form in case I forget it) and – I can promise you – there won’t be a dry eye in the house.

I’m going to push on with Nevill, hopefully putting in the same concerted effort (and long hours) that I did with the rewrite of Dissolution. I’d love to be able to make the research trip/holiday to the UK before I get it finished, but I very much doubt that’ll be possible. I think I can manage (just) without it. The last book is the one where this is crucial, though. In order to tell that story properly, I’ve got a very strong feeling that I have to immerse myself in the village of Ravensworth, feel the stones of that ruined castle, smell the air, taste the water. Walk where Henry and Alice Fitzhugh walked.

And now I have to get back to it.