Archive for the ‘Maud Stanhope, Lady Willoughby’ Category

I thought I’d share part of my research and writing process, using Richard Welles as an example. It goes something like this:

• There’s this person whose name crops up from time to time in connection with one or other of the Nevills;

• I know nothing or next to nothing about them;

• I think ‘Oh, well, they’re not really all that important at this point, so long as I get the bits I do know right”.

• They keep cropping up in more and more contexts, until finally…

• I find myself asking awkward questions I can’t answer.

In Welles’ case the current awkward question is: “If, as they did, Welles and his wife, Maud Stanhope’s stepdaughter, harried her out of her dower lands, and as this affected her second husband, Thomas Nevill, how on earth did the Nevills and the Welles’ end up being so close?” Close enough for Welles to have a substantial role in the Archbishop of York’s enthronement feast; and close enough for Welles and his son, Robert, to lead the Lincolnshire rebellion on Warwick’s behalf and, sadly, both lose their lives as a result.

Maud did get her dower lands back and she and Thomas both lived there for a time (as she did with her third husband, Gervase Clyfton). The only thing I can find that tells me this is a reference in official records that mentions Thomas as ‘Sir Thomas Nevill of Eresby’ in 1459. (Eresby being where Maud’s dower lands were.) In 1460, Richard Welles, up until then a staunch supporter of Henry VI, swore himself to Edward IV. Five years after that, he was acting as carver at George Nevill’s big feast. Four years after that, he was executed after confessing his part, Warwick’s and Clarence’s in the Lincolnshire rebellion.

I don’t know anything about the state of Maud’s relationship with her stepdaughter, beyond Maud being forced from her dowerlands. While that might suggest that the two weren’t particular friends, it could also have been a case of  ‘nothing personal’. I recently came across an intriguing few snippets referring to an ongoing property dispute between Henry Fitzhugh and his sister Joan, wife of lord Scrope of Bolton. Seems there was a garden in York that each swore their father had given, bestowed upon or left them. I’ve found nothing that suggests any ill feeling between the Fitzhugh siblings, or between Henry and John Scrope. I haven’t followed the story through to whatever the outcome might have been. That’s a task for another time.

Maud’s first husband, Robert Lord Willoughby, died in July 1452. In January the following year, Maud was granted her dower lands. From the relevant Privy Council Proceedings:

To the escheator in Lincolnshire. Order to take of Maud who was wife of Robert Wylughby knight an oath, etc., and in presence of Joan daughter and heir of the said Robert, or of her attorneys, to assign dower to the said Maud.

and:
To Geoffrey Fyldyng mayor of the city of Lincoln and escheator therein. Order to assign dower to the said Maud, of whom the king has commanded the escheator in Lincolnshire to take an oath etc.

Some little while after this, Maud was forced to flee Eresby for sanctuary with her uncle, Ralph Lord Cromwell, at Tattershall.

The best I can say at the moment is that some time between her marriage to Thomas Nevill in August 1453 and 1459, Maud did enter into her dower lands and from then until his death in December 1460, that was Thomas Nevill’s principle place of residence.

In December 1454, Maud’s mother died at Tuxford in Nottinghamshire. Though I don’t have a firm record of this, Maud and her husband may have attended the Inquisition Post Mortem. As subsequent events would show, Thomas wasn’t known for sitting back and waiting for officials and executors to sort things out. He tended to take a more proactive approach. So I’m left, failing any firm evidence, with conjecture to fall back on: a meeting between the two men, the tentative beginnings of a friendship, a level of rapprochement between Maud and her step-son-in-law, steps taken towards getting the property at Eresby back into Maud’s hands. And the foundations of a friendship between the two men that, after Thomas’s death and Welles coming to terms with the new Yorkist king, was easily transferred to the earl of Warwick. Given Maud’s later dealings with John Nevill (which I’m not going to tell you about here – I have to hold something back!), any connection forged between her and Welles during her second marriage could have possibly acted as a layer of glue holding the two families together. Of course, Maud alone couldn’t have been responsible for the closeness of the ties between Welles and Warwick that allowed, at great peril to himself, Richard Welles Lord Willoughby and his son, Robert Lord Welles, to stir and lead a rebellion on Warwick’s behalf.

What I’d really like to find (and I’ve hunted for it, trust me!) is a clear reference to when Maud and Thomas got control of the Eresby lands. I don’t mind Making Crap Up if I have no choice, but I’d rather not have to. So, until I don’t have to, I’ll be doing the best I can with what little I have.

Things you find when you’re looking for something else…

Letter from John Fastolf to John Paston, 5 February 1454:

Worshipful Sir and cousin, I recommend me to you, and like you to weet that I have a tally with my cousin Fenn of 500 marks and more, for to be changed upon such places as a man might have most speedily payment; and I pray you heartily to commune with the said Fenn, that I might be ensured of the said tally to be exchanged, and for what reward component to be given upon the same I will agree to it.

Item, I desire to know what be the residue, the remnant, of the co-executors of the Lord Willoughby, now the Lord Cromwell is deceased; for this cause it was so, that there was due to the Lord Willougbhy and to me 10,000 marks for a reward to be paid of my Lord Bedford’s goods, for the taking of the Duke of Alencon.

And the said Lord Willoughby had but 1000 marks paid, and I 1000 marks so 8000 remains yet to pay; of which sum, 4000 must grow to the executors of the said Lord Willoughby to dispose.

And therefore I desire that the executors, and such as most have interest in the Lord Willoughby’s goods, may be communed with; that they may make pursuit of payment of the said 4000 marks, for his part to be had, and I shall make for my part.

And if Master Nevile, the which has wedded my Lady Willoughby, have power or interest to receive the Lord Willoughby’s debts, then he to be laboured unto. And my Lord of Salisbury will be a great helper in this cause.

The king, which is supervisor of my Lord Bedford’s testament, has written and commanded by sundry letters that the said Lord Willoughby should be content for his part; and so much the matter is the forwarder.

And there is one Young, a servant of the Lord Willoughby, which pursued this matter; if he were in London he could give good information upon this matter.

I pray you write to me how my matters do, and of such novelties as ye have there, and our Lord have you in his keeping.

Written at Caister hastily, the 5th day of February, in the 34th year of King Harry VIth.

Your cousin, John Fastolf.

The ‘Lord Cromwell’ referred to in this letter is Henry Stanhope, Maud’s brother.

As I haven’t seen Lord Willoughby’s will, I don’t know how this amount might have been divided between his widow and his daughter. Given Maud’s straitened circumstances, I suspect that even half of 8,000 marks would have been most welcome. How much Thomas Nevill or his father might have pursued the matter if all (or even most) were to end up in Joan Welles’s hands is another matter. I have no idea how it all turned out, as there is no further reference to it in the Paston Letters.

In Sir Richard Roos: Lancastrian poet, Ethel Seaton deciphers anagrams in Roos’s poems in order to piece together just who and what the poems were about. Now, I’m not at all sure I fully understand the process, nor am I entirely sure how sound this process is, but using these clues, she has attributed two poems (one in the Devonshire ms and one in the Egerton ms) to Roos; the first written for Thomas Nevill and the second for Gervase Clyfton. (Both have also been attributed to sir Thomas Wyatt.) I linked to both of these in my last blog, but I thought it might be worth including them here in full:

Thomas’s poem

Ye know my herte my ladye dere
that sins the tyme I was  yor thrall
I have bene yors bothe hole and clere
tho my rewarde hathe bene but small
so am I yet and more then all
And ye kno well how I haue serued
as yf ye prove it shall apere
howe well / how longe
how faithefulye
and soffred wrong
how patientlye
then sins that I have neuer swarfde
let not my paines be ondeserude

Ye kno also though ye saye naye
that you alone are my desire
and you alone yt is that maye
asswage my fervent flaming fire
Soccor me then I you require
Ye kno yt ware a Iust request
sins ye do cause my heat I saye
yf that I bourne
that ye will warme
and not to tourne
all to my harme
sending soch flame from frossen brest
againste nature for my vnreste

And I kno well how scornefullye
ye have mistane my true entente
and hidreto how wrongfullye
I have founde cause for to repente
but if yor herte doth not relente
sins I do kno that this ye kno
ye shall fle me all wilfullye
for me and myne
and all I have
ye maye assine
to spill or save
whye are ye then so cruell foo
vnto yor owne that lovis you so.

from The Devonshire Manuscript

This poem need not suggest that Thomas was in love with his wife. It may have been commissioned for the wedding celebrations as an honour to the bride. It certainly celebrates the ideals of courtly love  – the faithful lover, the disdain of his lady love – and one suspects a man hostile, or even indifferent, to his bride might not have thought to have such a poem written. I’ve said before that the Nevills seems to have had remarkable luck with their marriage partners, or perhaps wise parents who cared enough about their children’s happiness to choose well, or maybe they were just determined not to spend their lives in marital misery and worked at it. Whatever the reality of it, I have a sense that, at the very least, their marriage began with hope, and perhaps the promise, of lasting affection. Whether that was sustained and sustainable is another matter.

Gervase’s poem

To seke eche where, where man doth lyve,
The See, the land, the Rock, the clyve,
Fraunce, Spayne and Ind and every where
Is none a greater gift to gyve,
Lesse sett by oft and is so lyff and dere,
Dare I well say than that I gyve to yere.
I cannot gyve browches nor Ringes,
Thes goldsmythes work and goodly thinges,
Piery nor perle oryente and clere,
But for all that is no man bringes
Leffer Juell vnto his lady dere,
Dare I well say, then that I gyve to yere.
Nor I seke not to fetche it farr,
Worse is it not tho it be narr,
And as it is it doeth appere
Vncontrefaict mistrust to barr,

Left hole and pure withouten pere,
Dare I well say the gift I gyve to yere.
To the therefore the same retain;
The like of the to have again,
Fraunce would I gyve if myn it were;
Is none alyve in whome doeth rayne
Lesser disdaine; frely, therfore, lo here,
Dare I well gyve, I say, my hert to yere.

from Collected Poems of Thomas Wyatt

This poem is to my ear much more straightforward than the first. Clyfton didn’t need to have the words dressed up in the imagery of courtly love, though there is certainly some there. He isn’t a poor man, exactly, nor without honour and position, but he is poorer than his wife. She is the one endowing him with wordly gifts, all he has to give her is his heart.

Guesswork based on very little information can be fun… It can also lead you down totally erroneous pathways, but if you don’t have the information, how do you know?

So, I have the information now and travelling the right path is going to be so much more rewarding than anything mere guesswork can provide – for me and everyone else. There’s still a little of that, mind you…

So, I’ve talked a little bit about Maud and Thomas’s marriage (and here) and about Gervase Clyfton before. Not quite totally wrong, but close enough. There are times when being wrong can be bitter and close to unbearable. This is not one of those times. I’ve linked both those posts to this one, coz this one is definitive! Um, well… As close to it as I can get, and that’s a good deal closer than I was at the start of all this.

Near the end of my Gervase Clyfton post, I suggested three possible reasons why Maud married him. I can now say, with very little uncertainty, that it was reason #1. She loved him.

Pretty much the whole of this post is based on two articles by Dr Rhoda Friedrichs: The Remarriage of Elite Widows in the Later Middle Ages and Rich Old Ladies Made Poor: The vulnerability of women’s property in late medieval England. The first one I stumbled upon, the second I knew about but couldn’t access. I got in touch with Dr Friedrichs, who very kindly sent me a copy. In the meantime, the Article Fairy blessed me once more and I now have a two copies! (Thanks, Susan!) As with many much anticipated events, the arrival of the article was tinged with a little ‘what if I’ve set so much store by this and it’s not what I hoped for?’. But it was… and more! So, from those two articles, some bits and pieces from the Patent Rolls of Henry VI and Edward IV, as well as Edward IV’s Close Rolls, and some flavour courtesy of Richard Roos, I present to you:

Marriage & the Nevills: Robert, Thomas, Gervase and Maud – the director’s cut

Robert

Maud Stanhope’s life was turbulent and tumultuous to say the least. It didn’t begin that way, though. The oldest of three children born to Richard Stanhope and Maud Cromwell, she was probably destined to marry into comfortable and safe Nottingham gentry. Her father had children from a previous marriage, and her full brother Henry was set to inherit both their mother’s property and that of their uncle, Ralph Lord Cromwell. (Cromwell was a large figure in Maud’s life, both during his lifetime and after his death.) Apart from her brother, Maud had a sister Jane, who was two years younger than her. At the time of Maud’s first marriage, neither she nor Jane had much to recommend them as brides of noblemen – they preferred wives who could bring them wealth or, particularly for younger sons, titles. Maud had neither.

Before, and for some time during, her first marriage, Maud held a position in the household of the duchess of Gloucester. Here she met, among others, Gervase Clyfton (Gloucester’s treasurer) and William Nevill lord Fauconberg. What her relationship with the former might have been isn’t known, but she seems to have carried on a ‘courtly’ love affair with Fauconberg before being replaced in his affections by Barbelina Herberquyne, a member of Margaret of Anjou’s household. In Roos’s poetry, Maud is consistently associated with Mercury’s gift of eloquence and a fondness for argument. It would seem that she was a woman of some intelligence and not a little learning. In later life, her willingness to argue her case deserted her only once. After the downfall of first the duchess of Gloucester and later the duke, Maud left court to live with her husband in Lincolnshire.

Around 1448, Uncle Cromwell found Maud a husband. He was a widower of mature years with a grown up daughter of his own. On her marriage to him, Maud would gain herself a title – Lady Willougbby – but little by way of wealth. Robert Willoughby was not a rich man. He owed Cromwell money and wasn’t in a position to pay up. So the two men struck up a deal. Cromwell’s niece, Maud, would marry Lord Willoughby, with the debt written off against her dowry. Maud gave her consent to this, but whether she was happy in her marriage, we don’t know. It would seem that there was some resentment from her step-daughter Joan, then married to Robert Lord Welles. Joan no doubt feared that her father’s new bride, who was just a year older than her, would do something stupid like have a son, thus depriving Joan of an inheritance she’d have been counting on for most of her life. She needn’t have worried – the Willoughbys had no children.

When Robert died in July 1452, Joan Welles and her husband immediately took steps to secure her late father’s property, including Maud’s dower. Maud was forced to flee Eresby for the sanctuary of her uncle’s castle at Tattershall. Though her mother was still alive, and living at Tuxford in Nottinghamshire, Maud didn’t seek shelter with her. Maybe there was more room at Tattershall for Maud and her household.

By this time, Henry Stanhope had died, leaving Maud and Joan as Cromwell’s joint heirs. As the expected practice was for a rich man to leave one third of his property to his wife, one third to his heirs and one third for the salvation of his soul, and as Cromwell was a very rich man indeed, suddenly Maud became a much more attractive marriage prospect. She should have had both social and financial independence, and the right to choose who (or whether) to remarry. In reality, she was in need of a protector, someone who could secure and safeguard her current and potential property. Like, say, young Richard Nevill had done when his wife came into her sudden and unexpected inheritance. The Nevills were good people for Cromwell to turn to, and not only for Maud’s sake. Cromwell had troubles of his own and was in need of powerful support. Allying himself to the Nevills, and giving Maud into the hands of an energetic young man like Thomas, the earl of Salisbury’s second son, might just be the answer to both their problems. In May 1453, the marriage contract was sealed. In August, the wedding took place at Tattershall castle.

Thomas

In December 1454, Maud’s mother died. In Lady Stanhope’s Inquisition Post Mortem, Maud is said to be 30. I had been working on the premise that she and Thomas were the same age, but she was some 5 years older than him. Clearly, this age difference bothered neither of them, as both were quick to consent to the match. For Maud, it offered a way out of what must have been a most embarrassing poverty and an imposition on her uncle and aunt. That it was an imposition is borne out by the fact that Cromwell billed her for her household’s expenses during her months at Tattershall. Maud hadn’t been expecting this and it’s likely it distressed her on two counts: she didn’t have any money, and he was the one she’d turned to in her time of need – family are supposed to cheerfully help out under such circumstances. (Judge Judy, I’m sure, would have made mincemeat of Uncle Ralph – one suspects that he would have got an iconic “You’re an idiot!” or two.)

A poem in the Devonshire ms, often attributed to Thomas Wyatt, may have been written by Richard Roos for Thomas Nevill, possibly to be recited during the wedding festivities.

I can make few guesses about the state of Thomas and Maud’s marriage. They had no children, and the birthplaces of children can be a very useful guide as to how much time a couple spent together. Where they lived, either together or separately, during their seven year marriage is pretty much a matter of guesswork. They started their married life at Middleham Castle and I suspect they stayed there for the last three months of 1453 and much, if not all, of 1454. Thomas was, at this time, up to his eyeballs in Percy and Maud was homeless.

Late in 1453, a ‘Lady Willoughby’ is listed amongst the guests attending Margaret of Anjou’s churching. Now, Maud used this title right up until she inherited the Cromwell title from her sister, but it could refer to her step-daughter, Joan Welles. They may both have been there, which might have been awkward had Maud not been surrounded by the dazzling display that was the Nevill women, which included the most dazzling of them all – the Countess of Warwick; and had there not been other, more pressing and more prominent examples of bad blood on display. In the interests of not bombarding the reader with too many minor characters, I have chosen to leave the step-daughter out of the picture altogether, except when Maud allows a stray thought about the bitch Joan to pass through her mind.

In February 1456, Jane Stanhope married Humphrey Bourchier, a nephew of the Duke of York. Thomas and Maud may well have attended the wedding, which was probably, like Maud’s, celebrated at Tattershall. The next time they were there was later in the year when they, along with Jane and her husband, attended Cromwell’s funeral.

Of Cromwell’s funeral, and the revelation of the terms of his will, Friedrichs has this to say: “The Nevilles may or may not have had detailed information about the extent of Cromwell’s wealth, but they certainly had the evidence of their eyes: well over a hundred manors and buildings in over a dozen counties, with a solid core in Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire, palatial manor houses, three of them newly built, costly furnishings and adornments, over a hundred horses in the stables, and a reputed annual expenditure of over £5,000. There was also the presumption that one of them would acquire the title of Lord Cromwell.”

Thomas was about to get his reward for rescuing Maud from financial embarrassment. One third of Cromwell’s wealth, shared between the two sisters and their husbands, would have represented a great deal. Given that Lady Cromwell predeceased her husband, that should have risen to two thirds. Cromwell, however, had changed his will. Maud and Jane were to get property to the value of 500 marks per annum each – a tiny fraction of what they were expecting. Their husbands tried everything they could to change this state of affairs, from attempting to negotiate with the executors to seizing goods and property by force. Thomas must have been bitterly disappointed and I can only think that Maud must have felt deeply let down by her uncle. But a will is a will and there was nothing to be done. Thomas Nevill was certainly better off than he might otherwise have been, but that wouldn’t have been much consolation. No decision at that time seems to have been made regarding the Cromwell title.

The sisters did get the plum property – Tattershall was theirs to share, though not its contents. Until Jane’s death in 1481 it doesn’t seem to have been Maud’s principle place of residence. Where she and Thomas lived, I don’t know, but I was most gratified to find that my carefully worked out premise that they lived in a Cromwell manor at Bleasby in Nottinghamshire has turned out to be at least plausible – it was one of the manors Maud was forced to turn over to Anthony Wydeville in 1465 (see below). I’ve put them there because it’s nice and central – not too far from Tuxford (which Maud also inherited), Tattershall and Nottingham. Maud’s third husband styled himself ‘of Eresby’, and Eresby was where Maud’s once lost dower property was. Though I haven’t found any record of how and when she got this back, it does seem that she did and that was where she lived while married to Gervase Clyfton.

Another thing I don’t know is what comprised her jointure and what property Thomas owned in his own right, so what she may have inherited from her second marriage is a mystery.

After John Nevill’s marriage to Isobel Ingoldisthorpe in May 1457, and Warwick’s departure for Calais, Thomas served as his brother’s lieutenant in the West March. This may have precipitated a move north, but again I don’t know that for certain. I’ve put them temporarily in Carlisle, for plot reasons more than anything else, but if they were there, it wasn’t for long.

In 1459, the Nevills and their ally, the Duke of York, were starting to feel the heat. York was, at the time, Henry VI’s chief councillor, but the King’s confidence in him wasn’t shared by his Queen. Three parties set off for York’s castle at Ludlow – Warwick coming from Calais and the Nevills from Middleham. On the way, the earl of Salisbury and his sons, Thomas and John, (and possibly in company with his countess) engaged the forces of Lords Audley and Dudley at Blore Heath. Salisbury won the day but lost his sons. Though the details are sketchy, it seems they were separated from the main Nevill force, either chasing the defeated enemy or held up due to an injury to one of them, and were captured. They spent the next year or so in Chester Castle. The rest of the Yorkists, including the countess of Salisbury, fled England, having been attainted for treason.

Where was Maud? I’ve not come across a suggestion that she shared her husband’s captivity. Like the other wives of the missing Yorkists, with the exception of the countess of Salisbury, she was specifically excluded from the charges against her husband. Though Thomas’s property was subject to forfeit, hers was not. It must have been a worrying time for everyone.

Thomas and John were released after the Yorkist victory at Northampton. He and Maud would have been reunited at some point. Maud was clearly not a diehard Yorkist, and she may have been uncomfortable with the actions of her husband’s family. She might even have shared the political views of her third husband and begun to distance herself from the Nevills. Thomas was killed the following year at the battle of Wakefield. Maud had been his wife for seven years. Their marriage had rescued her from financial distress and they had shared the disappointment of her curtailed inheritance and the struggle to win a larger share. However she felt about him, and whatever the state of their marriage, his death must have come as something of a blow. She didn’t, however, spend much time in mourning.

Gervase

Just when and how Maud and Gervase Clyfton became reacquainted I don’t know. It would seem that she knew him from her days at court, when he was Duke Humphrey of Gloucester’s treasurer. She may have had contact with him while he was treasurer of Calais, a post he held from 1450 to 1460. He was an odd choice for her for a number of reasons. Friedrichs says that their marriage “flew in the face of all prudence and common sense”. He was illegitimate, of considerably lower social status and, worst of all, a committed Lancastrian. From the point of view of Maud’s in-laws, he’d fought on the wrong side both at Wakefield and Towton. The Countess of Salisbury named him as one of the men responsible for the wrongful death of her husband. A marriage licence was granted them on 10 August 1461 by Archbishop Booth of York. The Nevills must have been outraged. Any hope she had of their ongoing support vanished. Maud was on her own.

According to Seaton, Richard Roos wrote a poem for Gervase, in celebration of his new wife. (As a frequent subject, or at least inhabitant, of Roos’s poetry, and as an old friend from her days at court, Maud became a caretaker for his work. It is thanks to her passing them on to her Stanhope cousins that many of them are still in existence.)

Gervase was some years older than Maud. He owned land in Kent, courtesy of his first wife, and served in the commons. So far, I’ve come across four sources that have different opinions on the number of children he had from his first marriage. An extremely useful RootsWeb discussion says that he was married first to Isabel Scott and they had  a daughter, also Isabel, who married John Jernyngham. It also states that Isabel Scott had been married before, so this daughter may have in actuality been a step-daughter.  The Peerage makes no mention of a first marriage or children. Friedrichs says he was a ‘childless widow’. Malcom Mercer’s The Strength of Lancastrian Loyalism, in The Journal of Medieval Military History, vol V, mentions a step-son, Sir John Scott, a close supporter of Edward IV. (Thanks again, Susan.)

Clyfton’s tenure as treasurer of Calais ended in 1460. Given his activities at the time, he was probably dismissed. There’s no mention of him in connection with Ludford, but he might have been one of the men who deserted York and Warwick. His tenure as treasurer could not have continued after that. He was succeeded by the Blounts, father (briefly) and son, Walter Lord Mountjoy,

It makes no sense to me that Gervase Clyfton was a stranger to Maud when they married, or even a recently renewed friend. Their paths must have crossed many times, given the Calais connection. He continued in his post when Warwick became Captain of Calais and, until 1460, there’s nothing to suggest any difficulties between the two men. Warwick certainly kept him on (or recommended to whoever it was in charge of such posts that he stay on, or at least not requested that he be replaced). Whatever the story, and whatever the relationship at the time between her and Gervase, Maud had a husband fighting on one side at Wakefield and at least an old friend on the other. Whatever grief she suffered at the news of Thomas’s death, it was shortlived. Some four months after the battle of Towton, she and Gervase were married.

Maud didn’t attend Thomas’s funeral at Bisham in 1462. Perhaps she was neither welcome nor invited.

She also, by her marriage to a man committed to the Lancastrian clause, forfeited her chance of gaining the Cromwell title. In 1461, it was Jane’s husband, Humphrey Bourchier, the new king’s cousin, who was summoned to parliament as Lord Cromwell. It seems odd to me that during their various periods of political ascendancy before that time, the Nevills didn’t manage to secure the title for Maud and Thomas. It was certainly one of the incentives for the marriage.

Maud and Gervase didn’t have a comfortable life. Gervase was specifically excluded from the pardons in March 1461 and there was no lasting reconciliation with the new king, Edward IV.

From the Calendar of Close Rolls, Edward IV:

And that whatsoever person holding the party of the said adversary [Henry VI], that within ten days after this proclamation would depart from them, shall have grace and pardon of his life and goods, except Andrew Trollopp, William Grymsby, Edward Digby, William Feldyng, Thomas Fitzharry, Ellis Cornewayll, Doctor Moreton, Gervase Clyfton, Thomas Tunstall, Henry Lowys knight, Thomas Parker of the Forthe, Thomas Everyngham, John Devet, both bastards of Exeter, Master Hugh Payn, Thomas Langton, Henry Beaumont, William Belyngham, Alexander Hody, Henry Tudnam – Clapham the younger…

He wasn’t included in the list of men the people of England were invited to “actually destroy and bring out of life”. That was limited to Trollop, the bastards of Exeter, and a handful of others. As I alluded to earlier, I haven’t seen him mentioned in connection with Trollop’s actions at Ludford – and that doesn’t mean he isn’t mentioned somewhere, just that I haven’t seen it. It seems likely that he was one of Warwick’s Calais men who slipped away, thus precipitating the flight. The ending of his tenure as treasurer of Calais in 1460, coupled with his exclusion from the pardon, make me think that might have been the case. Maud was walking a dangerous path. If she and Gervase weren’t already lovers in 1459/60, and it’s entirely feasible that they were, she was at least on friendly terms with a man seen by the new government – which included her late husband’s brothers – as a traitor. This was how he continued to be seen for the bulk of their marriage.

Clyfton continued to work for the restoration of Henry VI, taking the field against John Nevill at Hexham. In 1465, in order to secure him a pardon, Maud handed over 16 manors to the king’s new brother-in-law, Anthony Wydeville. From the Close Rolls of Edward IV, 1465:

Gervase Clyfton knight and Maud his wife, late the wife of Robert lord Willoughby, to Anthony Wydevyle lord Scales and lord of Newsels and his assigns. Gift with warranty during the life of the said Maud of the manors of Candlesby, Halom, Lamley, Snawdon, Boston, Bleeseby, Gyppesmere, Goureton, Drainsfeld, Baseford, Quynton, Rasyn, Lufton, Belcheford and Tusfford with Denynecourt’s rent etc, cos Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby and Warwick, and the manor of Tumby co Lincoln except a great wood called ‘Tumby wodes’ otherwise ‘Tumby chace’, all late of Ralph lord Cromwell or of another to his use at his death, with advowsons of churches, chapels and chantries thereto pertaining, and all other lands, rents, reversions and services there wherein the grantors or others to their use or to the use of the said Ralph had any estate or interest, and request that all feoffees shall make the said Anthony an estate thereof during the life of the said Maud, with the exception aforesaid. Dated 24 November, 5 Edward IV.

Gervase Clyfton knight to Anthony Wydevyle knight lord Scales and lord of Newcelles. Bond in 1,ooo/ payable on the feast of the Purification next. Dated (as the last).

Condition, that if the manors etc above mentioned, except a wood of Tumby called the ‘Chace’, which the said Gervase and Maud his wife have given during her life to the said Anthony and his assigns, be before the Purification next found by two auditors by the parties appointed not to amount to the yearly value of 400 marks over and above charges and reprises, the said Gervase and Maud shall within one month likewise give other manors and lands to the amount lacking, and meantime shall suffer the said Anthony and his assigns without let to take all issues and profits of those already granted.

Gervase Clyfton knight to the king. Bond in 5,000/ payable on Easter day next. Dated 20 November, 5 Edward IV.

Condition, that he and Maud his wife shall observe and fulfil all things contained in a charter of divers manors and lands by them made to the said Anthony, and in a bond by him given to the said Anthony, both dated 24 November, 5 Edward IV, and in keeping of John earl of Worcester by assent of the said Gervase and Maud.

Memorandum of the acknowledgement of the foregoing writings by the said Gervase, 9 December.

These grants to Anthony Wydeville represented 80% of Maud’s wealth and property – an enormous price to pay for marrying a man of ‘inconvenient political loyalties’ (Friedrichs, Rich Old Ladies Made Poor, 221).

In 1468, Gervase was rumoured to be plotting on behalf of Henry VI. During the Readeption government, with Humphrey Bourchier  in prison (as diehard a Yorkist as Clyfton was a Lancastrian), Maud and Gervase were mistress and master of Tattershall. Maud’s at-a-distance reconciliation with the Nevill brothers must have felt a little strange. She’d been abandoned by them after her third marriage, and now her husband was a firm part of Warwick’s government – though quite what part I’ve yet to find out. Maud may have made her sister feel as unwelcome in their shared property as she no doubt did when it was a focus of Yorkist activity during the years leading up to the restoration of Henry VI.

Records of Warwick’s brief Readeption government are scarce, as is correspondence to and from Warwick. Maud would seem to have been a forceful personality and I wonder if she wrote to her once brother-in-law asking for his help to restore the properties previously granted to Lord Rivers, then in exile with Edward IV (and others) in Burgundy. Warwick had a good deal of fence mending to do, and if any steps were taken in this regard it would be for Clyfton’s sake, not Maud’s. As she didn’t give up trying to secure a fairer share of her uncle’s estate until almost the end of her life, it is entirely within the bounds of possibility that she made overtures to Warwick in order to restore her previously relinquished lands.

Humphrey Bourchier died fighting for his cousin, Edward IV, at Barnet. Gervase Clyfton was executed after the battle of Tewkesbury. Maud was a widow for the third time, and in the most dire financial straits.

Maud

Maud remained a widow for the rest of her life. With no money to recommend her, and at 47 no longer in the first bloom of youth, she wasn’t much of a catch. With three husbands dead, two by violence, and nothing to show for any of her marriages except the memories of a better life, she may well have felt it better not to tempt fate for a fourth time. She should have been looking forward to a more than comfortable old age. In 1472, she had to borrow money to hold Christmas. The following year, she sold (or lost in default of the loan) two of her remaining manors. But that wasn’t to be the end of her troubles. It was now William Lord Hastings’ turn to take from her what little she had left. Hastings was married to Thomas Nevill’s sister, Katheryn. But once again, no residual family feeling remained, and Hastings got what he wanted, not only from Maud but from her now remarried sister, Jane.

In 1476, a deal was made with bishop Wainflete (who’d been involved in the Cromwell inheritance from the start) over Tattershall Castle. I’m still trying to make sense of this. Wainflete wanted the Cromwell lands “for his college, but he was prepared to make what he considered appropriate provisions for the two ladies [Maud and Jane], rather than leave them utterly impoverished, a prospect that did not evidently trouble Lord Rivers or Lord Hastings” (Friedrichs, 224). In any event, the sisters were to hold Tattershall for the bishop. They may have had difficulty with its upkeep, for in 1476 Maud was trying to get the money together to build herself a house on the grounds.

In 1487, Margaret Beaufort got her hands on Tattershall. Maud, now living in her house on the castle grounds, “asserted herself one last time by issuing ordinances for observations at Tattershall College, indicating that she was still the patron of the college and the heiress of the founder. But in fact it was Lady Margaret who now held Tattershall and the real patronage of the college, although she was courteous about Lady Willoughby’s status as co-founder. Perhaps she was courteous about her daily life as well; we do not know, for Lady Willoughby, of course, had scarcely any property left to leave records, and her last ten years are silent. We can safely assume that Margaret Beaufort made sure she was indeed “honourably brought to earth” when she died on 30 August 1497, with no funeral image but with an inscription at the foot of her uncle’s prominent gravestone” (Friedrichs, 226-7). In this inscription, Maud is named as Lady Willoughby, through her first husband, and Lady Cromwell, through her uncle.

The Wars of the Roses left many women widowed by violence. Some, like Maud after the death of Thomas, picked themselves up, dusted themselves off and got on with the next phase of their lives with new husbands. Others, like Maud after the death of Gervase, chose to remain widows (or had the choice made for them) and did the best they could with what little they had. The more I read about Maud, the more interesting a person she becomes. A woman, one suspects, of great dignity and strong personality, she faced each of life’s difficulties, fighting when she could, surrendering when she had no choice. She married twice for good and sensible reasons, and once for very personal ones. Though there’s no way of telling if her marriage to Thomas Nevill was a happy one, I can imagine them forming a strong partnership in the matter of her inheritance. I can picture them in a room at Tattershall, Jane and Humphrey Bourchier with them, leaping to their feet when Cromwell’s executors give them the bad news, demanding their rights and deciding to do whatever it took, by use of force if necessary, to secure what belonged to them. I can also see her with Gervase, faced with an impossible choice – lose the bulk of her property and wealth or lose the man she loved.

At the time of her death, Maud had secured the Cromwell title. Sadly, from her three marriages she had no children to pass this to. What was left of her inheritance, and her sister’s, passed to distant cousins. I wonder sometimes what the children of Thomas and Maud would have been like – I suspect they would have been a force to be reckoned with. Certainly a Nevill son would have been a useful addition to Maud’s arsenal in her fight to retain something of her uncle’s wealth.

I refuse to see Maud as sad and defeated, though she must have been close to both at times. She occupies the same place in my heart as her sisters-in-law, Katheryn lady Hastings and Margaret countess of Oxford. All three were tied by marriage to politically active men who led their wives to the heights of power and prestige and into the depths of poverty and ignominy. Only one of them predecased her husband. Katheryn buried two and Maud three. Capturing her spirit and personality isn’t an easy task, but I feel I owe it to her to try.

All it takes, sometimes, is one well written and well referenced article and you find yourself staring at a pile of paper, realising that it’s a mountain of nonsense, or at least, not-quite-rightness. I did the best I could with the tiny snatches of information that I’d managed to glean, but then I came across an article that made a rethink, and no doubt to some extent a refashioning, necessary.

I’m not one to cling, white knuckled, onto a preconceived notion. In Nevill (and in anything that may follow), I’m striving to let the facts lead the story. I don’t have a thesis that I want to prove, thus hammering the facts into peculiar shapes so that they fit the story I want to tell. And now I know one or two things about Maud Stanhope that I didn’t an hour ago. That changes things. If I want to claim that my work is anything close to well researched and accurate, then it has to be well researched and accurate. If my readers are being asked to believe something is true when not only is it not true, but I know it’s not… That’s not the kind of writer I want to be, and it’s not the kind of book I want to write.

I’ve been googling “Maud Stanhope” for years now. I’ve learned some stuff, but not a great deal. Much of it is genealogies of doubtful soundness. Hicks calls her a ‘youthful widow’, but apart from that, she’s essentially invisible in most secondary sources. I knew of one article that features her, and I knew what journal it was in, but try as I might I couldn’t find a way to access it.

Then, preparing to write a short scene with Maud and a couple of her attending women, I thought “I wonder if anyone’s written down the names of any members of her household?” So I googled “Maud Stanhope household” and found this:

The Remarriage of Elite Widows in the Later Middle Ages by Rhoda Friedrichs. The same woman who’d written the “Rich Ladies Made Poor” article that I can’t find! (I’ve sent her an email asking if she can point me to where I can purchase it. I have my fingers crossed that she has the time to respond.)

I’m actually annoyed that something as useful as this is buried so deep under the mountains of genealogies that it took an accident to find it. On the other hand, I am very happy that I found it! The last three pages consist of a case study of an Elite Widow who Remarried in the Later Middle Ages: Maud Stanhope, Lady Willoughby.

Some of the things I learned that prompt me to rethink and refashion:

• December 1454, inquisition post mortem of Maud’s mother, the sister of Ralph lord Cromwell. Maud’s age is given as 30.

(C/139/157/26 I tried to access this record. I can buy it for something like $15.00 or I can to go the National Archives and see it for free. But that will cost me a couple of thousand in airfares and accommodation…)

Two things come from this, one I’m not sure about and will need to dig deeper (if possible) to find: Was Maud in Notts attending this inquisition? If so, then she wasn’t getting ready to celebrate, celebrating or recovering from the celebration of Alianor Nevill’s marriage to Thomas Stanley.

The other thing is Maud’s age. I’d done at bit of extrapolating, working from the premise that Maud was in her mid to late teens when she first married, placed that alongside Hicks’s ‘youthful widow’ and drawn the conclusion that Maud and her second husband, Thomas Nevill, were around the same age – 23 or 24. If Maud was 30 in 1454, she was 28 or 29 when she married Thomas and some five or so years older than him. Friedrich states that Maud was in her early 20s when she married Robert lord Willougby in 1448/9 – a little older than one might expect for a woman of her class and time.

• Maud was in dire financial straits when she married Thomas.

This is something the secondary sources I’ve read don’t think to mention. She’d been turned out of her home on the death of her husband by her stepdaughter, who took possession of everything, even Maud’s dower lands. Maud sent a desperate sos to her uncle, Cromwell, and took shelter with him at Tattershall. Cromwell brought the Nevill marriage about for his own sake – he needed their support against the duke of Exeter – and hers – she needed the financial security a marriage would bring. Any hopes the Nevills had of benefiting financially from this must be postponed until Cromwell’s death. Maud might have lost what she was entitled to of Willoughby wealth, but she would surely secure her share of the Cromwell estate.

Just because Maud had no practical choice in the matter, doesn’t mean she was unhappy with the idea of marrying Thomas. She’d contracted her first marriage because it benefitted her uncle – Willoughby owed Cromwell money and agreed to forego all or part of a dowry in exchange for the forgiving of this debt. For Maud, at this stage, love and personal preference had nothing to do with marriage. How fond or not Maud and Thomas were of each other is now impossible to glean. Back when I didn’t know all this, there was a decided chance that Maud, being a widow and therefore free to make her own decisions when it came to husbands, had chosen to marry Thomas because she at least liked him.

At the moment, my Thomas and my Maud are happy with each other. They like one another, enjoy a healthy sex life and are all excited about their new home. (I wrote down all the properties that Maud and her sister, Joan, eventually inherited from Cromwell and chose one – at Bleasby, Notts – close by Nottingham and Maud’s mother’s house, Tuxford. This is just an educated guess and I’m quite happy to change it if I find out where they actually lived.) I’ve always been planning for this marriage to go through a rocky patch, based on their childlessness, which can put strains on any marriage, and what I perceive to be their political differences. From about 1457 on, Maud and Thomas may not have seen much of each other and, of course, after December 30 1460, they saw nothing of each other at all. Given the new information, the marriage may not ever have been happy. This is something I shall have to consider.

And that’s partly because:

• Maud married Gervase Clifton ‘within months of Thomas Neville’s death’.

It is suggested that this was a love match and ‘flew in the face of all prudence and common sense’. This Gervase was the illegitimate one from Kent, after all, not the heir of Clifton Hall. I don’t mind that, either. Maud’s third marriage hardly features, except in the prologue, and I can fix that without any problems. In fact, I now have a little more to work with. But it leads me to one question: When did they meet? (Friedrichs suggests they may have known each other when Maud was a young girl, but doesn’t give any idea about how they ‘re-met’, both recently widowed.) If they married so quickly after Wakefield (and ‘within months’ doesn’t tell me how many months, sadly), is there a chance that they were already close? Closer than they should have been? Were Maud and Thomas estranged in the last few years of their marriage? And is this why she didn’t attend his funeral? Had she disgraced herself and the Nevills by her relationship with and marriage to Clifton? (Update: I’ve answered some of those questions here.)

So much to think about and so much to rewrite! I am delighted that I found Friedrich’s article. I wish I’d done so earlier. She also has an article on Cromwell, which I’m planning to have in my collection very soon… I just wish journal articles (and me no longer with academic privileges) weren’t the same price as books!

1483

Death of Louis XI, king of France.

1497

Death of Maud Stanhope, lady Cromwell, widow of 1. Robert lord Willoughby, 2. Thomas Nevill, 3. Gervase Clifton. Maud had no children.

1453

Skirmish on Heworth Moor between the Thomas Percy lord Egremont and the Nevills.

The Nevills were returning from the wedding of Thomas Nevill to Maud Stanhope at Tattershall castle in Lincolnshire when the Percies attempted an ambush. Accounts of this skirmish wildly vary, with some saying there were many casualties and others that there were none. Judging by the charges laid against the principle (Percy) movers and shakers, I tend to think there were very few, if any.

1461

Possible date for Maud Stanhope’s wedding to sir Gervase Clifton. Maud was the widow of 1. Robert lord Willougbhy and 2. Thomas Nevill. Clifton was executed after the battle of Tewkesbury. Maud had no children from any of her marriages.

This was one of the saddest and most tawdry events in the Wars of the Roses. It ended with the duke of Clarence and the earl of Warwick racing first to Exeter to collect the duchess of Clarence, then to Warwick castle to collect the countess of Warwick and Anne Nevill and fleeing across the Channel. The short cycle of treason, rebellion, pardon and reconciliation was broken – Edward IV could no longer pretend that his brother and cousin were anything other than “his saide rebelles.”

My focus here won’t be solely on Warwick and Clarence, or the king, but on the tragic figures of Robert Welles, lord Willoughby, and his father Richard, lord Welles. For the sake of brevity, I’ve posted an important document separately and linked it to this – otherwise the reader would require not only a packed lunch but a stout pair of hiking boots and, possibly, a bottle of O2. And I know that the bulk of what follows happened in March 1470, but it began towards the end of February, and I’ve started it now, so I mean to go on.

Edward IV first got wind of serious trouble when, in February 1470, Robert Welles, apparently acting on his own behalf, went into Lincolnshire and began to raise an army.  According to The Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshire, he “called himself grete capten of Linccolne shire, had doo made proclamacions in all the churchez of that shire … in the king’s name”.

The king summoned Lord Welles and others, including Thomas Dymoke, to London. Here Welles took sanctuary, but was persuaded out on promise of pardon.

The Wellses and the Willoughbys were staunch Lancastrians. Richard Welles was the son of Joan Willoughby, who was the daughter of Robert lord Willoughby, who had been the first husband of Maud Stanhope, later married to Warwick’s brother, Thomas. Joan Willoughby was already married by the time of her father’s marriage to Maud. There’s no record of what kind of relationship she might have had with her young stepmother nor, subsequently, whether Maud had any ongoing contact  with her first husband’s grandson. Maud, Joan and Richard were all around the same age.

These tenuous connections might mean nothing, but the writer in me is more than a little intrigued that our Ms Stanhope seems to have been, at the very least, peripherally connected to a great many events and people of the Wars of the Roses. Forget the confection spun around Isobel Ingoldisthorpe – if there’s a poster girl for torn loyalties and changing fortunes in the WoR, it’s Maud Stanhope!

Back to the rebellion…

Edward was at Royston when he received a letter from his brother, Clarence, saying that he and the earl of Warwick were on their way to join him. He sent both men commissions of array.

Richard Welles was ordered to write to his son “commaunding hym to leve hys felaship and humbly submitte hym, or elles thay for theire seide treasons shulde have dethe, as they deserved.”

Meanwhile, Warwick and Clarence were still waiting in the west of England for word from Welles to complete their plans for rebellion and regime change, all the while continuing to assure Edward that they were on their way to support him. All of this went out the window when Welles, intent on rescuing his father, gathered his men and headed for Huntington in Cambridgeshire, where his father was being held. With Edward at Fotheringhay, young Welles fancied his chances.

Edward, along with “alle the lordes, noblemen and othere that tyme being in his oost”, decided that “it nott according with his honoure ne surtie that he shulde jeoparde his most roialle person upon the same to leve the fadre and the saide sir Thomas Dymmoke of live that suche treason had conspired and wrought”, and so they were executed. He then turned his attention to the son, now arrayed and ready for battle.

“Where it is soo to be remembred that, at suche tyme as the battailez were towardes joyning, the kyng with [his] oost seting upon [the rebels], and they avaunsyng theymself, their crye was, A Clarence! a Clarence! a Warrewike! that tyme beyng in the feelde divers persons in the duc of Clarence livery, and especially sir Robert Wellez hymself, and a man of the dukez own, that aftre was slayne in the chase, and his casket taken, whereinne were founden many marvelous billez, conteining matter of the grete seduccion, and the verrey subversion of the king and the common wele of alle this lande, with the most abhominable treason that ever were seen or attempted withinne the same, as they be redy to be shewed; and in the same chase was taken the late sir Thomas Delalande. This victorie thus hadde, the king returned to Stanforde late in the nyght, yeving laude and praising to almighty God.”

So decisive and swift was Edward’s victory, and so afraid were those turned and running in rout for their lives, that they removed their coats as they ran, thus giving the battle its nickname of Losecote Field.

More letters were sent to Warwick and Clarence (now in Coventry) and more were sent back to the king. Edward gave them no sign that their part in the rebellion was known to him, perhaps in an attempt to beat them at their own game of reassurance and dissimilation. He took especial care, however, to inform them of  “the victorye that Gode hadde sent hym”.

Uppon the wednisday and thursday the xiiij and xv day of Marche, the king being at Grantham, were taken and brought thidre unto hym alle the captaynez in substance, as the saide late sir Robert Welles, Richard Warine and others, severally examined of there free willez uncompelled, not for fere of dethe ne other wyse stirred, knowleged and confessed the saide duc and erle to be partiners and chef provacars of all theire treasons. And this plainely, theire porpos was to distroie the king, and to have made the saide duc king, as they, at the tyme that thei shulde take their dethes, openly byfore the multitude of the kynges oost affermed to be true.

The confession of Robert Welles:

About last Candlemas a chaplain of my lord of Clarence called master John Barnby and with him John Clare, priests, came to my lord my father and me at Hellow with letters of credence given to the said master John which he revealed in this way. My lord of Warwick was at London with the king, whereupon for the safety of both of them he prayed us in both their names to be ready with all fellowship that we could or might make and assemble of the commons whensoever my said lord of Clarence should send us word. Nevertheless he willed us to tarry and not stir until such time as my lord of Warwick should come again from London, for fear of his destruction. And soon afterwards my lord of Clarence sent me a patent of the stewardship of Cawlesby in Lincolnshire by the said John Clare.

The cause of our great rising at this time was grounded upon this report raised amongst the people that the king was coming down with great power into Lincolnshire, where the king’s judges would sit and hang and draw a great number of the commons. Wherefore with as many as we might collect by all possible means we came to Lincoln upon the Tuesday; and upon the Wednesday a servant of my lord of Clarence, called Walter _______, a yeoman of his chamber, by his commandment told us the same, and that the gentlemen of the countryside would judge us in such a way that necessarily a great multitude of the commons must die, thereupon desiring us to rise and proceed in our purpose, as we loved ourselves. And as my father was in London and perhaps would be endangered there, which he did not wish, he would go himself to London to help excuse my said lord my father and to delay the king’s coming forth.

The said Walter ______, servant of my lord of Clarence, went with me to the field, and took a great share in guiding our host, not departing from the same to the end. And before that, as soon as I came to Lincoln, I sent sir John Clare to my lord of Warwick, to learn from him how he would have us guided forwards; but as he seemed to us to tarry long, we sent hastily after one John Wright, of Lincoln, for the same cause; and thereupon I departed with our host towards Grantham. And in the way, about Temple Brewer, sir John Clare met me, saying on my lord of Warwick’s behalf, that he greeted us well, and bade us be of good comfort, for he and my said lord of Clarence would raise all the people they could in all haste, and come towards us…

The following Sunday John Wright came to Grantham and brought me a ring from my said lord of Warwick, and desired me to go forward, bidding me and us all to be of good comfort, for he was raising all that he could persuade, and would be at Leicester on Monday night with 20,000 men, and join with us…

Also when my lord my father went to London, he charged me that if I understood him to be in jeopardy at any time I should come to his help with all might that I could muster.

Also, my lord of Clarence’s servant, Walter ______, that came to us at Lincoln, exhorted and urged our host many times and in many places, that when the matter should come near the point of battle they should call upon my lord of Clarence to be king, and to destroy the king who was thus about to destroy them and all the realm; to such an extent, that when the king was before us in the field, he took a spear in his hand, and said that he would run with it as freely against the king as against the mortal enemy of himself and his master.

Also, I have well understood by many messages, as well from my lord of Clarence as of Warwick, that they intended to make great risings, to such a degree as ever I could understand, that they intended to make the Duke of Clarence king; and so it was often and loudly reported in our host.

(Camden Miscellany, I (1847), 21-3; S Bentley, Execerpta Historia (1831), 282, from BM Harl MS 283, f 2 [English])

Subsequent to this, Welles was swiftly executed.

Meanwhile, Warwick and Clarence took to the road, ostensibly to join the king.

…they departed, with alle theire fellaship, towardes Burton-uppon-Trent; and when the saide John Down remembred theym that hym semed they toke not the right way towardes the king, theire aunswsere was, that they toke that way for certein fotemen were byforce theym, with whom they wolde speke, and curtesly departed from theyme, to thentent thay shulde be the more redy and the better-wele willed to doo hym service hereaftre; and undre colour thereof they went to Burton, and sithen to Darby, for to gadre more people unto theym, to enforce theym self ageyinst the king in all that they couthe or myght soo ever, continually using theire accustumed false dissimilacion.

Edward sent the following to his brother , the duke of Clarence:

Brothere, we ben enfourmed by sir Robert Welles, and others, how ye labowred contrarie to naturalle kyndeness and dutie of ligeaunce divers matiers of grete poise; and also how proclamations have be made in your name and owre cosyn of Warrewike to assemble oure iege people, noo mencion made of us. Furthermore, letres missive sent in like maner for like cause. How be it we wolle foryete that to us perteynethe. And that is to calle you to your declaracion on the same, and to receyve you thereunto, if ye wolle come as fittethe a liege man to com to his soveraigne lorde in humble wise. And if ye soo doo, indifference and equite shalbe by us wele remembred, and soo as no reasonable man goodly disposed shalle more thinke but that we shalle entrete you according to your nyghenes of oure bloode and our lawez. Wherefore, our dispocicion thus playnly to you declared, we wolle and charge you, upon the feithe and trouthe that ye naturally owe to bere unto us, and upon payne of your ligeaunce, that ye, departing your felaship, in alle hast aftre the sight hereof addresse you to our presence, humbly and measurably accompayned, and soo as it is convenient for the cause abovesaid, leting you wite if ye soo do not, but contynue that unlefell assmble of our people in perturbacion and contempe of our peas and commandement, we most procede to that we were lothe to doo, to the punyshment of you, to the grevous example of alle othere our subgettes, uppon the which if there flowe eny effucion of Christian bloode of our subgettes of this our realme, we take God, our blissid Lady, saynt George and all the saints to our wittenesse that ye be only to be charged with the same, and not we. Yeven undre our signet, at Newerke, the xvij day of Marche, the x yere of our reign.

A similar letter, under the king’s privy seal, was sent to the earl of Warwick. Neither man was inclined to take the chance, however, nor give up their scheme. After some attempts to raise more men in Lancashire and Yorkshire, and after Scrope (not, according to Gough, Scrope of Bolton or Scrope of Masham), John Conyers and some others submitted to Edward in York, and further, after Thomas Stanley in Manchester refused to supply the support he’d promised, they took to their heels, collecting the duchess from Exeter, the countess and Anne Nevill from Warwick castle and headed for the coast and thence to Calais.

Edward issued this proclamation.

Richard Welles and his son, Robert, both staunch partisans of Henry VI, had tied their coattails to the less disinterested and altruisitic cause of Warwick and Clarence. Their separate attempts to ensure the other’s life had led to the collapse of the rebellion and the deaths of both men. Robert Welles’s despair when he heard that he was too late and that his father had been executed has always touched me, even when I read the driest account of this time. His confession is unself-pitying and straightforward. Reading it leaves no room for any doubt as to the treason of Warwick and Clarence. Welles’s cause was lost, his father dead and the two men he’d risked so much for  made no move to come to his aid. I don’t know when Robert Welles was born, but he couldn’t have been much above 20 when he died.

All extracts are taken from The Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshire, edited by John Gough Nicholls and published by the Camden Society unless otherwise stated.


I have ore information about Gervase now. See here for an updated version.

Following up on my January calendar of Nevill-related events (or Nevents), I present to you the little I’ve been able to unearth about Sir Gervase Clifton, staunch Lancastrian, third husband of Maud Stanhope and an utterly elusive character. It’s one of the joys (and frustrations) of historical research – stumbling on a minor figure who turns out to be far more important than I thought at first glance, only to end up scrabbling for any tiny piece of information in order to flesh out their character and their lives. This is what happened with my very dear Henry Fitzhugh – he’s gone from a peripheral Warwick brother-in-law to (hopefully) the star of his very own book! I don’t think Gervase is likely to enjoy the same meteoric rise, but he’s pushed himself into the foreground, sending me on sporadic journeys through the internet and my own (small) library in search of more. But even his wikipedia entry is sparse.

Here’s what I know: Gervase Clifton, of Clifton Hall in Nottinghamshire. Some sources, following the wikipedia entry, have him born in 1415, others put his birth (probably more reliably) c 1426. I’ve just found another genealogy that puts his birth at 1405. While most internet sources correctly place his death after the battle of Tewkesbury in 1471, some genealogies have him fighting at Bosworth on the side of Richard III and dying in 1491. This is clearly an error. Gervase is a persistent Clifton forename, and this could well be the source of genealogical confusion. According to some sources, he was born at Clifton Hall, others say he was born in Derbyshire.

The Complete Peerage has no marriage for Clifton before his marriage to Maud Stanhope, at least one genealogy gives him a first wife (Isobel Herbert Finch) and one, possibly more, children. That particular family tree has Gervase’s sister Avelina marrying an Edward Stanhope, which would suggest that a connection between the two families already existed. This is an example of those tantalising little glimpses that may or may not reflect reality! If this information is correct, while it doesn’t quite answer the burning question (Why did Maud Stanhope, widow of a core-Yorkist, marry Gervase Clifton, a dyed-in-the-wool Lancastrian?), it may, along with several other equally tantalising factors, help me to formulate a sort of answer that might not be entirely incorrect.

If a sister of Clifton was married to a relative of Maud’s, that gives three points of connection between the couple. 1. If I’m right about Maud and Thomas Nevill’s principal home being at Rolleston in Nottinghamshire, they were fairly near neighbours. (Rolleston is about 38km from Clifton Hall). 2. Just at the moment, I don’t know how sir Edward was connected with Maud, but both the Cliftons and the Stanhopes were well established Nottinghamshire families, and probably had long standing ties. 3. If David Santuiste’s intriguing little hint is correct (and Clifton would seem to have had some connection with Calais c 1450), then Clifton and the Nevills – or at least Warwick – may have crossed paths in early 1460… 15 January, to be precise!

Here’s what Santuiste says: “In December a fleet was assembled at Sandwich to go to Somerset’s aid. Lord Rivers and Sir Gervase Clifton were in command.” (Edward IV and the Wars of the Roses, p26)

He doesn’t go on to say whether Clifton was dragged out of bed and taken over the Channel to be rated by the Calais earls.

I’m wondering whether Warwick made attempts to win Clifton over to his side, and if – along with the other confluence of relationships – that was a factor in Maud’s decision to take Gervase Clifton as her third husband. There’s no need for it to be, of course, but it throws up some interesting possibilities. If this was Warwick’s hope, it failed spectacularly.

In his 2003 Essential Histories volume, The Wars of the Roses, Michael Hicks has this to say of Maud Stanhope (here called Marjorie): “Fear for second husbands, the Lancastrians Sir Oliver Manningham and Sir Gervase Clifton, who were again exposed to treason charges, was used to induce the war widows Eleanor Lady Hungerford and Marjorie Lady Willoughby to surrender their own inheritances which were not actually liable to forfeiture to protect their husbands.” (p 79)

While there doesn’t have to be one single reason Maud married Clifton, I feel that I need to explore three broad possibilities:

1. the decision was based entirely on personal preference without any consideration whatsoever given to politics;

2. Maud’s predominant loyalty was to Henry VI – her marriage to Thomas Nevill predated the family’s support of the duke of York and his son – and her marriage to Clifton reflected this;

3. Though by no means under any obligation to do so, Maud was at least encouraged by her late Nevill in-laws to marry Clifton as part of a program to bring him (and that part of the fleet he commanded) into their sphere of influence.

I could, of course, just write Maud out of the picture after Thomas’s death – it would make my life so much easier – but there’s something about her third marriage that keeps drawing me back.

Apart from brief mentions of the marriage (January 1462) and Clifton’s death, little else turns up in the history books about this couple. After Clifton’s execution in 1471, Maud didn’t attempt a fourth marriage, though she was still relatively young, being somewhere around 40. Her first marriage (to Robert lord Willoughby) had lasted no more than five years, her second (to Thomas Nevill) seven and her third (to Clifton) nine. Maud eventually secured her uncle Ralph Cromwell’s baronetcy and recovered at least some of her inheritance. There were no children from any of her marriages and little likelihood of a later-life miracle should she attempt a fourth. Maud is as intriguing a character as Clifton and even more difficult to pin down.