A flurry of letters sent northwards

Having found this the other day, I decided to go through it page by page, culling anything of interest. So far, I’ve found a lot of things of interest! I can’t print it, nor can I find a way to clip and save pages, so I’m transcribing stuff as it comes up. A series of letters between the King (via his council) to various lords, knights and squires of the north, mentioned in my posts on the Nevill-Percy feud, I now have on my hard drive. I should like to share them with you, if I can pray your indulgence. Some of them are either copies of others, or contain chunks of repeated text. They begin with quite confident peremptoriness – summonses to appear before council – please explain letters, and end with a somewhat weary plea to both Lord Egremont and John Nevill to just knock it off already!

Had Henry VI not become ill, and had York’s (almost) first act on being named Protector and Defender not been to high tail it north to sort it all out, it may have dragged on for years and ended very badly… It is the opinion of some that the feud did drag on for years and ended more than badly for just about all the men involved.

From the king to Lord Egremont, 7 June 1453

 By the King

 Right trusty and welbeloved. For certain greet causes and considerations suche as move us and as most of reson sitte us night to hert we will and neverthelesse straitely charge you y^t all excusations leide aparte ye in alle haste possible seen thees oure letters come personally unto oure presence to here and understand suche things as then shalbe opened unto you on oure behalf and we woll that ye faille not herein in any wyse and as ye love and tender oure worship and welfare. Yeven tc at Westm the vjj day of Juyn the yere tc xxxj.

From the king to John Nevill, 26 June 1453

By the King

Trusty and welbeloved. It is come to oure knowlache how by occasion of certaine discords and debates moeved betwyx you and the Lord Egremond divers things and novelries contrarie to oure pees have of late daies been committed betwixt you into grete trouble and vexation of oure countree and sugitts there with the whiche demeanyng of reason we may not be well content wherefore and for other causes moevyng us we woll and in the straitest wyse charge you that in alle hast possible after the recevyng of these oure letters ye comme and appere before us and oure counsaille to here and understand suche matiers as shalbe opened to you at your commyng and also that in the meane tyme ye kepe oure pees nothing doing or attempting by your self nor suffering to be doo or attempted by any of youres that may be to the offense or hurt of the same oure pees not levyng this oure commaundement upon the faith and ligeance that ye owe unto us. Yeven tc at Westm the xxvi day of Juyn the yere tc xxxj.

To oure trusty and welbeloved John Neville knyght son to oure right trusty and welbeloved cousyn therle of Salesbury

From the king to Lord Egremont, 26 June 1453

By the king

Divers tymes herebeofre we have yeve you in commaundment by oure letters for suche causes as moeved us to have be and appered before us and our counsaille at daies and place conteigned in the same to the whiche oure letters and commaundment ye in no wyse obeying have differed so to appere as ye yit doo wheof we not w^t oute cause gretely mervaille and take it to displesir willing for so muche and in the straitest wyse charging you eftesones that in all hast possible seen thees oure leeters ye come and appere personally befor us and oure saide counsaille to here and understand that shalbe laide before you at youre commyng and over this that in the meane tyme ye bere and kepe the pees ayenst alle oure subgetts no thing doing or attempting nor suffryng to be doo or attempted by any of yours in any wyse to the contrarie and yat ye faille not in execution of this oure commaundment or any part therof upon the faith and ligeance that ye owe unto us. Yeven at Westm the xxvj day of Juyn the yere tc xxxj.

This having got them nowhere, king and council appealed to their fathers.

From the king to the earl of Salisbury, 27 July 1453

Right trusty and welbeloved cousyn. For as moch as we be acertaigned by credible information that of late dayes grete assembles and riottous gaderings of people have be made in the shire that ye dwelle in as wel by yur sone S^r John Nevill knyght as other persones unto right grete vexation and trouble of oure contre and subgitts there directly ayenst oure laws and pees by ye which to grete an inconvenience were like to ensew if it were not hastily purveyed for. We therfor write unto you at this tyme exhorting and in ye straitest wise also charging that ye by all the ways and meanes possible unto you doo your effectuell labour and diligences that the said assembles and gaderings of people be pute downe and utterly ceesed and that ye see our pees be kept by you and yours not suffering any thing to be doo or attempted to the contrary by any personne as ferforth as ye shall mowe and over this that our trusty and welbeloved counsailler William Lucy knyght and other our commissionours which we sende thider as it accordeth for our honnour and worship and the conservation of oure laws not levyng this upon the faith and ligeaunce that ye owe until us. Yeven tc at Westm the xxfij day of Juyll.

Item semble to therle of Northum for his son the Lord Egremond

In letters to Egremont and John Nevill, king and council attempt to show their teeth with threats of forfeiture. They were ignored.

From the king to Lord Egremont and to sir John Nevill, son of the earl of Salisbury.

This letter is undated, but it was probably written on or about 27 July 1453.

By the King

Right trusty and welbeloved. For as moche as we be credibly enfourmed yat divers riottous assembles and gaderings of people have of late dayes be made in the contree yat ye dwelle in and so yit continue to the which ye have take upon you to be leder and so yit be contrary unto our laws and to greet trouble of oure pees and subgetts there. We wol and in the straitest wyse charge you yat incontinent seen yees oure letters ye putting downe and departing of all suche assemblees and gaderings kepe oure pees and be obeying unto oure commissioners yat we sende yider at yis tyme for the cause of the which we have deputed and ordeigned oure trusty and welbeloved counsailler William Lucy knight to be oon and we wol yat ye faile not herein upon peyne of forfaiteur of all your goodes and lands and upon ye faith and ligeance yat ye owe unto us. Yeven tc at Westm ye

To ye Lord Egremond

Item to oure trusty welbeloved John Nevill knight sonne to our right trusty and welbeloved cousyn the Erle of Salesbury

If striking at the head doesn’t work, perhaps if their support trickled away John and Egremont would be forced to settle down. A wide net was cast in the next few letters. It didn’t make a shred of difference. The second letter has no specific addressee/s.

From the king to sir John Conyers, sir James Pickering and others, 27 July 1453

By the King

It is comen to oure knowlach how diverse riottes routes and gaderings of people contrary to oure lawes and pees of late dayes have be made and yit contynue in the shire and contree that ye dwelle in unto grete trouble and vexation of oure subgitts there by occasion whereof irreparable inconveniences were like to folowe that God forbide olesse than hasty provision were made in this behalfe of the which routes and gaderings ye have be a grete sturer and moever and also leder wherof we gretely marvaille and take it as we nedes must to right grete displesire. For as moche as we wol and in the moste straiteest wyse charge yowe that ye surceesing of alle such gaderings and riots making and thoo that so been made deviding and utterly ceesing kepe oure pees noo thing attempting or doing or suffering to be doo or attempted by any of youres or other any thing contrarie to oure pees and more over that ye duely be obeying unto oure trusty and welbeloved counsailler William Lucy knyght an other oure commissioners whiche we sende at this tyme thidre for the said cause in all things concernyng thexecution of oure laws and conservation of oure pees not levyng soo to doo upon pein of forfaiteur of alle youre landes and goodes and upon the faith and ligeaunce that ye owe unto us. Yeven under oure prive seell at Westm the xxvij day of Juyll.

To John Conyers
James Pekering
Rauffe Randolf                             knyghts
Thomas Mouneforth
Ric of Aske
Rauf Neville
Thomas Sewer                            squiers
John Aclom

From the king on the same subject, 27 July 1453

By the King

Trusty and welbeloved. For asmoche as we have understand by credible reporte made unto us howe yat by unlawefull assembles and gaderings of people made in divers parties in ye countree yat ye dwelle ynne ye same oure contree and subgitts yerof have be and been gretely troubled vexed and uneased we sende yider at this tyme oure trusty and welbeloved counsailler William Lucy knyght with oure letters of commission with oyer to enquire of suche matters and to doo yat may be to ye reformation of yat is doon oyerwyse yan oure lawe wold and so to conservation of keping of oure pees. For so muche we write unto you exhorting praying and neverthelesse charging you upon ye feight and trouth yat ye owe unto us yat at such tyme as ye shall be required by oure said counsailler ye favoure and assiste him by alle menes to you possible in all ying yat may concerne thexecution of oure lawes ye levying downe and ceesing of such assembles and gaderings ye keping of oure pees and good rule and tranquyllitee of oure saide contree and subgitts and yat ye faille not herein in any wyse. Yeven tc at Westm the xxvij day of Juyll

And to the younger Percy brothers, amongst others…

From the King to sir Ralph Percy, Richard Percy, sir John Penyngton and others, 10 August 1453

By the King

It is comen to oure knowlache howe divers riottes routes and gaderings of people contrarie to oure laws and pees of late dayes have be made and yit continue in the shire and contree that ye dwelle in unto greet trouble and vexation of oure subgetts yere by occasion whereof to irreparable inconvenience were like to folowe that  God forbide olesse thane hasty provision were made in this behalf of the whiche riottes and gaderings ye may be a greet sturrer and moever and also leder as we be right credibly enformed wherefore we greetly mervaille and take it as we nedes must to right greet displesir. For so moche as we woll and in the moost straitest wise charge you that ye surceesing of all such gaderings and routes making and thoo that so ben made dividing and utterly ceesing kepe oure pees noo thing attempting or doing or suffering to be do or attempted by any of yours or other asmoche as in you is any thing contrarie to oure pees and moreover that ye duely be obeying to oure trusty and welbeloved counsailler William Lucy knyght and other oure commissioners whiche we sende at yis tyme yider for the saide cause in alle yinge concernyng the execusion of oure lawes and conservation of oure pees not levyng so to doo upon paine and forfaiteur of all youre landes and goodes and upon the feith and ligeaunce yat ye owe unto us. Yeven tc at Westm the x day of August the yere tc xxxj

Sir Rauf Percy                          Sir Henri Fenwyk
Ric Percy                                   Sir William Martindale
Sir John Penyngton              John Swynbourne squire
Rolande Kyrkeby
Henri Belingham                           squiers
William Lee

Kinsmen of the Nevills received letters as well, thanking them for their unbiased help. Despite this, they were soon replaced by a commissioner sent by the king, sir William Lucy, who could not be accused of favouring the Nevill cause over that of the Percies. Westmoreland was Salisbury’s nephew and the bishop of Durham was his brother, Robert.

By this time the skirmish at Heworth was a couple of months in the past but not forgotten, one suspects, by John Nevill…

From the king to the earl of Westmoreland and the bishop of Durham, 8 October 1453

By the King

Right trusty and welbeloved cosin. We have understand by credible reporte made unto us the greet labours paines and diligences that ye have nowe of late tyme doon and doo daily for the letting and appesing of such troubles and unlwawful gaderings of people as not long ago have be and yit as it is saide contynue in the contree ther ye dwelle and ther a boute and that ye in no wise though ye be nygh of blode and allie to the pties making such assembles have favoured or lened in such unfyttyg demenyng to that one ptie or to that other butt have be redy and ben to helpe strength and assite such lords spuel and tempel [spiritual and temporal] ther as ben fully disposed and sette indifferently to the coservacon of our pees easing and ceesing of the saide gaderings and good and restful governance of our saide contree and subgitts of which your good disposicon and sadde demenyng we be right wel content and thanke you spially willyng exhorting and also praying you hertely so to contynue wherin ye shal do thing ful acceptable unto God to our saide contree and subgittes and behoveful and pfitable and right plesant to us and thankeful and cause us to be the more desirous to do thing that may be to yo pleasur and behove. Yeven under our prive seel at Westm the viij day of Octobr.

To therle of Westmerl

Itm semble to the revent fader in  God our right trusty and welbeloved cosin the Bisship of Duresme.

Though the archbishop of York at the time, William Bothe, was not related by blood to the Nevills (so far as I know) he did seem to be a little partisan, accompanying Salisbury, his sons and retainers to the averted-in-the-nick-of-time almost showdown outside Topcliffe in October 1453.

From the king to the archbishop of York, 8 October 1453.

By the King

Moost revernt fader in God our right trusty and welbeloved. We have understande by credible reporte made unto us that ye according to the degree and astate that ye stande in have goodly and godly doo your parte and daily do to thappesing and ceesing of suche troubles and unlawful gaderings of people as not long agoo have be and yit as it is saide continue in the contrees that ye dwelle in deserving therin as we can right grete and spial thanke willyng exhortyng and prayng you hertely that ye wol so contynue and that ye wol not departe frome that contree unto the tyme the saide trouble and unlawfuyl assemblees be fully appesed and extint as our pfite trust is on you understandyng for certaine that herin y shal do thyng ful acceptable to God to our saide contree and subgittes behoveful and pfitable and right plesant to us and thankeful and cause us to be the more desirous to do thing that may be to your pleasir and behove. Yeven under our prive seel at Westm the viij day of Octobre.

To tharchebisshop of Yorke

Threats of forfeiture against the sons having failed, the threat was turned on the fathers…

From the king to the earls of Salisbury and Northumberland, 8 October 1453.

By the Kyng

Cousin. Howe it be that at al tymes before this ye have be holde a sadde a sober and a wel reuled man as it sitteth you in al wyse so to be and somoche the more for the degree and astate that ye stande inne the which is ordained you not to abuse it but to use to the worship of God and to the avice and supportacon of us in keping of our pees and of our lawes to the which ye owe to do so moche the grett diligence that ye be oon of the commssioners of the pees in the countrees that ye dwelle inne and also stande charged oon of the lords of our Counsail in receiving of the which charge y were sworne that yf ye sholde from that tyme forth hiere of any debate betwixt lord and lord by stiring of the which the good reste and pees of this oure lande might in any wyse be letted or troubled whom soever of thaime it touched ye yf it touched you sholde be reuled by the lords of oure said Counsil and in no wyse take upon you the reule therof at yor own hande the which notwithstanding and also that in oure Parlement which is yit continued ye and all othr lords wer warned that yf any of you felt him grieved ayenste other shold putte in his grief in writing and besides this notwithstanding the straite charge and comaundement yeven unto you nowe late by oure lres of prive seal by the which ye sholde have putte you in yor devoir by all meenes possible to the cessing and putting down of thassemblees and gadering remembred in the same oure lres ye w^toute any request or complaint made to us of any grief do unto you have sith that tyme as it is saide take upon you or be disposed to take upon you contrarye to oure saide comaundement and also to oure pees and lawes to make the grettest assemblee of our liegemen and therto have appointed tyme and place that ever was made w^tin this oure lande at any tyme that man can thinke the whiche yf it so be do or heraft happe to be doo by you youre ordenaunce or appointement yf any of oure liegemen be perished by the meane therof we wol that ye holde for undoubted that aswel ye as thoo that have be counsailling and helping you therin shal so be so chastised that bothe ye and thay and all othr oure subgitts shal have matier and cause to eschewe to attempte any thing like heraft.  And as toward you yf ye so have attempted ayenste oure estate and yours desving therby to be straunged from thoccupacon of the said astate that ye stand we shal in no wyse spare you in this case but rather more grievously punyssh you than we wolde do the leste persone of oure lande the which neverthelesse as oure Lord knoweth we wold be right lothe to do. Yeven tc at Westm the viij day of October.

To oure cousin therle of Salisbury

Itm semble to our cousin therle of Northumbr

The next letter is the one sent to Egremont. John Nevill hadn’t been ‘putte … to the worshippe and astate of Baron”, and the beginning of the letter to him – as the addendum suggests – was different.

Letter from the King to lord Egremont and sir John Nevill, son of the earl of Salisbury, 8 October 1453

Howe it be that not long agoo we putte you to the worshippe and astate of Baron not for any greet service that ye hadde do to us before that tyme but for the trust and trowing that we hadde of the good service that ye sholde do us in tyme comyng in esiall in keping of the rest and pees of oure lande and in letting of alle that sholde mowe be to the contrarye neverthelesse we be credibly enfourmed that ye ne use not the saide astate to the saide entente but to the contrarie deservyng therby to be straunged therfroo in espial in that that notw^tstanding oure lres late addressed unto you bering date at Westm the xxvij day of Juyll last passed by the which we yave you in the straitest wyse in comaundement upon the faith and ligeance that ye owe unto us to putte downe and departe alle such assemblees and gaderings of people as at that tyme ye hadde made and arraised ayenst oure pees in comocon and trouble of our subgitts of the contree that ye dwell in and to kepe our peax like as it was conteigned in the same oure lres ye ne have in any wyse obeyed nor accomplysshed oure saide comaundement but as it appreth wel in contempt therof have multiplied and daily do gaderynggs of people of oure subgitts redy to goo to the feld as by credible reporte we have understand ye dispose you fully to doo as it were in lande of werre unto full greet hurt unease and trouble of our said contree and subgitts and of lyklyhode to destruccon and undoing therof that God forbade if it were not sette apart. Wherfore we wol and in the moost straitest wyse charge you as before that having consideracon to the nonn observance of the contynue of oure saide lres the contempt that ye be ronne in ayenst us in that behalf and the charge that may be leyde upon you therefore in tyme comyng ye in restful and peisible wyse departe such people as ye have assembled and surseesse of suche novelries as you have begonne keping oure pees and makyng it to be kept by alle yours and other as ferre as in you is and that ye faille not so to doo upon paine and forfaiteur of all that ye may forfaite unto us and upont the faith and ligeance that ye owe unto us. Yeven tc at Westm the viij day of Octobr the yere tc xxxij

To the Lord Egremond

Itm to John Nevyll knyght son to Therle of Salisbury begynnyng at notwithstanding tc

That is the end of the correspondence on the subject. Shortly after this, Henry VI suffered from his first bout of incapacitating illness and Richard, duke of York, became Protector and Defender of England and sorted it all out… at least until May 1455 and the first battle of St Albans.

The movements (and excuses) of the Earl of Salisbury, January 1458

In the last few months of 1457, there was trouble between the sons of the men killed at the first battle of St Albans and those who were, or at the very least were presumed to be, responsible for their deaths.

In November, the duke of Somerset and the earl of Northumberland, along with the duke of Exeter, lord Roos and the earl of Shrewsbury, attempted to ambush the earl of Warwick on his way to Westminster. Warwick had 600 armed men with him and the attempt failed.

Various letters were sent by the king to various lords, summoning them to attend great council on 26 January 1458, the stated aim of which was ‘to set apart such variances as be betwixt divers lords’. (Wolffe, Henry VI, 311). Salisbury was reluctant to travel to London, presumably afraid of putting himself at risk. He sent this letter to Viscount Beaumont:

Right worshipful and with al myn hert right entirely wele bilovede Brothre I recomaunde me unto yow and for somoche as by the Kings moste noblez l’rez brought me late by Hagreston oon of the Gromes of his Chambre, I am desired to come unto his Highnesse to London, whereunto for suche grievous diseas and infirmitees, as it hath liked oure Lord to visit me with, wherof Robt Danby can at large declare unto yow, I can ne mowe dispose me, without feynyng, by the trouth I owe unto the King but y therby I doubt not, I shulde not rekever, daies of my lyfe suche hurt, as by the reason of y said diseas, wolde grow unto me, the which hath right fervently and fore holden me in many divsez bihalves, for y sith my last comyng frome London, I had not y space of vj daies togider my helth.

 Wherfore brother I pray yow with al myn hool hert, y it like yow to cal tofore yow the said Robt Danby and to take of him y vray trouth in y premissez and y’upon to bee my goode and tender moyen as by ho wysdome can best be thought convenable, unto the Kings good grace, for thexcuse of my nown comyng, p’yng how hertly to c’tifye me by comers bitwen suche tidings as ye shal have in thos p’tiez, with other your good pleas to bee p’fourmed at my power as knoweth oure Lord, to whom I biseche to ever have yow in his blissed p’teccon and keeping.

 Wryten at Shirrifhoton the xxiiij day of Januar

 Yo trow brodir wich prayth you herttely to excuse me to y Kings Heghnesse

 R Salisbury

According to a letter from William of Worcester to John Fastolf, Salisbury did make it to London.

The Kyng came the last weke to Westm’ and the Duk of Yorke came to Lond w’ hys oune housole onlye to the nobre of cxl hors as it ys seyd, the Erle of Salysburye w; iiij c hors yn hys companye iiij xx knyghts and sqwyers.

 The Duke of Somset came to London last day of Janyver w’ ij c hors and loggyth wythoute Temple barre and the Duc of Excestr shalle be here thys weke w’ a grete Felyshyp and strong as it is seyd.

 The Erle of Warwyke ys not yhyt com because the wynd is not for hym. And the Duke of Excest’ takyth a grete disples’ that my Lord Warewyke occypyeth hys office and takyth the charge of the kepy’g of the see uppon hym.

Wolffe (p131) says that Salisbury was “brought” from Sheriff Hutton, “presumably under the escort of Viscount Beaumont”. He was certainly in London by 1 February, when William of Worcester wrote to Fastolf.

Whether Beaumont was able to reassure Salisbury, I don’t know. They were both Knights of the Garter and Fenn suggests that this may have allowed both men, in this instance, to rise above politics. (Fenn, Paston Letters, 83). This ‘brotherhood’ doesn’t seem to have prevented Salisbury from claiming illness to avoid what he must have feared would be a difficult situation. Something certainly seems to have brought Salisbury back from the brink of death in just a few days.

UPDATE

I’ve just found this in the Calendar of Patent Rolls (428):

“Whereas on 16 November last by letters under the privy seal the king commanded John, viscount of Beaumont, to stay at Dancastre to meet there with Richard, earl of Salisbury, coming to the king’s presence by the king’s command, and to associate with the earl until he should reach the king, and afterwards by letters under the signet the king promised the viscount recompense for his labour and costs herein.”

Time for a quick letter? Warwick to Edward IV (poss Oct 1463)

In historical fiction, Warwick is often portrayed as impatient (at the least) with Edward IV from the very start. Impatient, contemptuous and imperious. This letter suggests something quite different.

This comes from The Politics of Fifteenth-Century England: John Vale’s Book, eds, Kekewich, Richmond, Sutton, Visser-Fuchs & Watts. Allan Sutton, 1995. I have both shamelessly and mercilessly plundered this book for my files!

This is the commentary after the letter:

“Never printed. The letter seems to be datable to October 1463 when it had become apparent that the major campaign against the Scots being prepared by Edward IV was unnecessary and the Scots were prepared to negotiate.”

It was written while Warwick was in Newcastle.

My most dread soveraigne lord, aftre humble recommendacion to your good grace. Please it the same to wite yesterday I received your most noble lettres delivered me by your humble subgiet maister .N. whereby I understande to the greate and special comfort and reioysing of me and all your trewe subjiettes in thise parties that your highnesse is purposed towardes this contrie with your mighti powair tothentent tentre into Skotland for the subduyng of your adversaries there. Whiche purpose I beseche our lord ye may bring tagood and aworshipful coclusion aftre thentent of youre most noble acourage and so I doubte nat with Goddis mersy ye shal to the grettest comforte and wele of alle your trew subgiettes of this your roialme and perfite tranquilite of the same and utter confusion and distruccion of your said adversaries. So that your said highnesse be purveyde of suche thinges as is necessarily required for the sure and siker perfourmyng of your saide noble purpose, that is to saye of sufficiant victaile by the see to serve your people during the tyme of your abode in the said Scotlande, and to be sure that the said victaill be before you. Also that your said highnesse have with you sufficient stuff of all maner artillerie, that is to saye grete gunnes for beting of places and other gunes for the felde, suffycient powdre, stones and all othre stuffe for the same, grete quantitie of bowes, arows, stringes, speres and all othre habiliments of werre, sufficient nombre of men for ordinaunce as gonners and othre. Without the whiche provision afore your coming, it is thought, undre your most noble correccion, to the lords and men of reputacion in thise parties that inno wise ye shulde come but rathre differre your most noble purpose to such tyme as ye may be sure of the said provision, and yif your said highnesse be purveide as is abovesaid that it may like the same thenne to come, and I trust in our lord ye shal have as worshippful a journay as ever had enyt of your most noble progenitours. Beseching humbly your good grace to geve credence to the berer of this, and to certifie me your most noble pleasire in the premisses to thentent that yif your hignesse come over, I may make me redie tawaite upon the same and warne all your subgiettes in thise parties to do the same, wherto I dar say they wilbe as wel willed to their powair as eny subgiettes that ye have lyving. God knowith, whom I beseche ever to preserve you in joieux prosperite and victorieux felicite.

Writen with my simple hand at your town of Newcastell, your trewe and humble subgiett and liegeman Richard Warrewic

Warwick knows the north of England, and he knows what it’s like to deal with the Scots (for which I have long forgiven him) and is, couched in just the right language, reminding Edward of this. I’m not sure that the ‘never printed’ means in the commentary. but if the letter was sent and read by Edward, he may well have thought his cousin was teaching him to suck eggs. But the two men (along with Warwick’s brother, John) were still very much in partnership at this time which, I think, this letter clearly illustrates.

Such a pity so little of Warwick’s correspondence survives.

Letters from Richard Earl of Cambridge to Henry V

While hunting down the full text of the Manner & Guiding, I stumbled across these two (too?) sad pieces of correspondence.

(from Ellis’s Original letters)

In 1415, when his son, Richard (later duke of York), was four years old, Richard, earl of Cambridge, was “accused of a treasonable conspiracy, indicted, convicted and beheaded” (p45). This has come to be known as the Southampton Plot. During his captivity he wrote two letters to the king, Henry V: a letter of confession and a plea for mercy, “but neither had any effect upon Henry” (p45).

Cambridge’s letter of confession:

My most dredfulle and sovereyne lege Lord, lyke to yowre hynesse to wete touchyng the purpose cast ageyns ʒowre hye estate. Havyng ye Erle of Marche by his aune assent, and by the assent of myself, Wher of y most me repent of all worde [worldly] thyng and by the acord of the lord Scrop and Sir Thomas Grey, to have hadde ye forseyd erle into the lond of Walys wyth outyn yowre lycence, takying upon hym the sovereynte of ʒys lond; ʒyf yondyr manis persone wych they callyn kynge Richard hadde nauth bene alyve, as Y wot wel yat he nys not alyve, for the wyche poynt I putte me holy in ʒowre grace. And as for ye forme of a proclamacyon wych schulde hadde bene cryde in ye Erle name, as he heyre to the Corowne of Ynglond ageyns ʒow, my lege lord, calde by auntreu [untrue] name Harry of Lancastre usurpur of Yngland, to the entent to hadde made the more people to hadde draune to hym and from ʒow, of the wych crye Scrop knew not of by me, but Grey dyd, havyng wyth the erle a baner of ye Armes of Ynglond, havyng also ye coroune of Speyne on a palet, wych, my lege Lord, is one of ʒowre weddys, for ye wych offence y put me holy in ʒowre grace. And as for ye p’pose takyn by Unfrevyle and Wederyngtoun for ye bryngyng in of that persone whych they namyd kyng Richard, and Herry Percye oute of Scotland wyth a power of Scottys, and theyre power togedyrs neyming to theyme able to geve ʒow a bataylle, of ye wych entent Sir Thomas Grey wyste of, and i also, but nauth Scrop as by me; of ye wych knawing i submytte me holy into ʒowre grace. And as touchyng the Erle of Marche, and Lusy hys man, they seyden me both yat the Erle was nauth schreven of a great whyle, but at all hys confessours putte hym in penaunce to clayme yat yey callyddyn hys ryth that wold be that tyme that every iknew, heny thyng yat ever to hym longyd … … … Of ye which poynttes and artycles here befor wretyn, and of al odyr wych now arne nauth in mynde, but treuly as oft as heny to myn mynd fallyn i schal deuly and treuly certefye now thee of, besekyng to now, my lege Lord, for hys love yat syffyrd passyoun on ye good fryday see compassyoun on me ʒowre lege men, and yf heny of thes persones whos names arne contenyd in ʒyz tyme, i schalle be redy wyth the myth of god to make hyt good, as ʒee my lege Lord will awarde me.

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Brian Wainwright, over at The Yorkist Age has some thoughts on the Southampton Plot here and here.

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A plea for mercy

Myn most dredfull and sovereyne Lege Lord, i Richard York ʒowre humble subgyt and very lege man, beseke ʒow of Grace of al maner offenses wych y have done or assentyd to in heny kynde, by steryng of odyr folke eggynge me yer to, where in y wote wel i have hyll offendyd to ʒowre Hynesse; besechyng ʒow at the reverence of God yat ʒyke to take me in to the handys of ʒowre gred goodnesse. My lege Lord, my fulle trust is yat ʒee wylle have consyderacyoun, thauth yat myn persone be of none valwe, ʒowre hye goodnesse wher God hath sette ʒow in so hye estat to every lege man yat to ʒow longyth plenteousely to geve grace, yat ʒow lyke to accept ʒys myn symple reqwest for ye love of oure Lady and of ye blysfulle Holy Gost, to whome I pray yat yey mot ʒowre hert enduce to all pyte and grace for yeyre hye goodnesse.

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The earl of Cambridge was executed on 5 August 1415.

A somewhat giddy John Paston…

Ok, I’m setting aside the earl and countess of Oxford just long enough to bring you this…

John Paston, lawyer, husband, father, takes his job seriously and expects his family – wife included – to do the same. But in one letter – just one tiny (rather long, actually, but thats beside the point) letter, we catch a glimpse of Paston-the-romantic.

Here’s the background. John has been in London for some time. He has heard news from home that his wife, Margaret, is not well. He writes this (13 July 1465):

“John Hobbs telleth me that ye be sickly, which me liketh not to hear; praying you heartily that ye take what may do your ease and spare not, and in any wise take no thought ne too much labour for these matters, ne set it not so to your heart that ye fare the worse for it … And in case I come not home within three weeks, I pray you come to me; and Wykes hath promised to keep the place in your absence…”

On 14 September, her son (John III) writes to her in London.

And on 20 September, her no-nonsense husband writes this:

“Mine own dear sovereign lady, I recommend me to you, and thank you of the great cheer that ye made me here, to my great cost and charge and labour.”

There follows the usual pages and pages and pages of the usual instructions and ends with this:

“Item, I pray you remember and read often my bill of errands and this letter till it be done, and all such matters or articles as ye speed hereof, cross them that ye may know them from tho that not be sped; and send me answer of your good speed… Though I write right certainly, if ye look them lightly and see them seld they shall soon be forgot.

“Item, I shall tell you a tale:
Pamping and I have picked your mail
and taken out pieces five,
for upon trust of Calle’s promise we may soon unthrive.
And if Calle bring us hither twenty pound
ye shall have your pieces again good and round;
or else, if he will not pay you the value of the pieces there,
to the post do nail his ear,
or else do him some other sorrow
for I will no more in his default borrow;
and but if the receiving of my livelode be better plied
he shall [have] Christ’s curse and mine clean tried.
And look ye be merry and take no thought,
for this rhyme is cunningly wrought.
My Lord Percy and all this house
recommend them to you, dog, cat and mouse,
and wish ye had be here still,
for they say ye are a good gill.
No more to you at this time,
but God him save that made this rhyme.

By your true and trusty husband, JP”

After twenty odd years of marriage, this letter must have come as something of a shock to poor Margaret! Still, rather self-affirming to know that she still had IT!

Such giddiness is never repeated.

Two letters from the earl of Warwick and a brief discussion

A couple of posts ago, I shared with you a letter written by George Nevill, archbishop of York to the papal legate, Coppini. This letter was written after a series of battles, some of which went well for the Yorkists and some of which when horrifically wrong. In the space of three months, there were five military engagements; three (possibly four if Hall is correct) members of the Nevill family killed, along with others with close connections; one was captured; two battles lost, a skirmish and two battles won; and three heads of loved ones had only recently been removed from public display. George’s letter, though of course showing the situation in the best possible light, is quite openly emotional. The letters I want to share and discuss here, from the earl of Warwick to Pope Pius II and Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, are shorter, less emotionally honest but no less optimistic. They weren’t written to express the earl’s grief, but his assurances that he had the situation in England – and England itself – under control.

During this time of confusion, a whole flurry of letters crossed Europe, some trying to make sense of the situation in England, some attempting to win support. This first, written on 11 January 1461 (just 11 days after the death of his father), is a valiant attempt at presenting a united and confident front to the Pope in the hope of gaining his support and imprimatur.

In her Lady of the Roses, Sandra Worth has Isobel Ingoldisthorpe, John Nevill’s wife, comment critically on the wording of these letters, which clearly shows that their intent was either genuinely or deliberately misunderstood by the author. The use of the word kinsmen in the first doesn’t, in my view, distance Warwick from the deaths, but is used to encompass the whole gamut of relationships he had with these men – son, brother, nephew, cousin and brother-in-law.

Both these letters are from the Venice papers.

From Richard Nevill Earl of Warwick to Pope Pius II

Your Holiness must not be troubled if you have heard of the events in England, and of the destruction of some of my kinsmen in the battle against our enemies. With the assistance of God and of the King, who is excellently disposed, all will end well. We shall obtain either a fair and sure peace or victory, especially if you confer the long-expected promotion of your Legate. The people will then see that our adversaries, who daily spread lying reports, are false and not true men, for they scorn your authority and the Legate’s, and say the latter has no power and is no legate, adding marvellous falsehoods to make him unpopular, to the detriment of the Church and the King. If, according to your former letters, you value my allegiance and the allegiance of those who are conscientiously aiding the King and the Legate (in conformity with the statement of Dom Antonio della Torre, his Majesty’s ambassador), it will be necessary so to deal with us and the Legate that all may know such to be the fact, and that he may bear the [legantine] cross which you sent him, without envy and opposition on account of our two Archbishops and Primates, as Dom Antionio, the bearer can inform you. Be pleased to give him full credence, and do not desert me and the others you formerly received as sons, for eventually you will see us end well and devoutly. The King sends his recommendations and desires certain concessions, which Antonio will declare.

London 11 Jan 1461

(signed) Your said Holiness’s most devoted son and subject, R Earl of Warwick

I think the phrase ‘destruction of some of my kinsmen’ may raise an eyebrow or two when first read. I can understand that, he’s talking about (amongst others) his father and brother. But the purpose of the letter is not to express personal grief. We can’t know how badly that affected him, though unless one is prepared to see him as a cold hearted monster, I think it has to be assumed that he did in fact grieve. He wasn’t in a position, however, to wallow in grief, as he had a cause to salvage and a country to run. In fact, the phrase actually minimises the impact of the deaths, not to imply that any of the dead were inconsequential, but to suggest that those who were still alive were more than capable of getting the job done.  In a very short letter, Warwick mentions the king (in this case still Henry VI) four times, this cannot be accidental, and the final sentence referencing the king suggests strongly that Warwick is still very much in his confidence.

The second letter, to the duke of Milan, is even shorter.

Richard Nevill Earl of Warwick to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan

Probably you have already heard from the Legate certain news from these parts with regret, from the good will you bear us all and our state. You may notwithstanding be of good cheer, for we hope doubtless to remedy everything, especially if the Legate be promoted by the Pope, as we trust. This would confound the malice of our enemies, who from lack of other means circulate among the people a thousand rogueries and lies against the authority of the Pope and the Legate. On this and other business we are again sending Dom Antonio della Torre to the Pope and to you, and beg credence for him. The promotion of the Legate is indispensable, if the Pope mean to aid the state of the Church and our just cause. We are devoted to the Pope and to the commonweal of his Majesty and the realm, which our adversaries endeavour to destroy. They will be prevented doing so if the expected favour be granted by the Pope.

London, 11 Jan 1461

Your Excellency’s son and kinsman, Richard Nevill, Earl of Warwick

To me, these are both clearly business letters and one wouldn’t necessarily expect them to contain news of a personal nature. Authors who use these letters to bolster a point of view that Warwick was somehow coldhearted, uncaring and mercenary are guilty of dishonesty and (at the very least) misunderstanding his position and the dire need he and his party had for outside support and to promote the appearance of internal cohesion.

George Nevill on second St Albans and Towton

(British History Online – Calendar of state papers relating to English affairs in the Archives of Venice, vol 1: 1202-1509)

Letter from George Nevill, Bishop of Exeter, Chancellor of England, to Francesco Coppini, Bishop of Teramo, in Flanders.

To the most Reverend, etc the Lord Francesco, by the grace of God Bishop of Teramo, our most holy Lord’s Legate in England

As something new has occurred here since your departure, I will write briefly about these events, as learnt by letters, from the lips of messengers, or from common report; although they are much incumbered and perplexed with many important matters.

On the 13th kalends of March [17 February] we fought unsuccessfully near St Albans, the details of which action would be too long to narrate, but I think it right to give a summary of the battle. Lord Berners [John Bourchier], brother of the Archbishop of Canterbury [Thomas Bourchier], with my brother Lord Montagu [John Nevill] and Sir Thomas Charleton, Knight, were captured and taken as far as York. Lord de Bonneville and Sir Thomas Kiryel were taken and beheaded, and many of inferior station on our side were destroyed. The loss on both sides amounts to well nigh 3,000 men. We however fled, and lost that puppet of a King—fortunate assuredly in this disaster; whereupon the puppet was carried off northwards and the country ravaged; at length the woman with her consort got to York, big everywhere of their not bloodless and unquestionable victory. Meanwhile Prince Edward, then commonly called Earl of March, was leading an army of 30,000 men towards London, where he made his entry with my brother the Earl of Warwick (who had escaped to him from the former battle) on the 3rd kalends of March [27 February]. He was received joyfully by the entire population, and at Westminster on the fourth of the nones of the month [4 March], at the demand, nay, by compulsion of well nigh all present, both Lords and Commons, he was appointed King; the ceremony of his coronation, for important reasons, being alone deferred. Thereupon, on the third of the ides of the month [13 March], he proceeded northwards with a numerous army, having a week previously dispatched my said brother westward to muster forces. The King and the brave Duke of Norfolk, with my brother, and my uncle Lord de Fauconbridge, took different roads, and at length joined forces near York. There, having recruited and marshalled their brigades, they forthwith marched towards the enemy, and at daybreak on Palm Sunday, not far from York, namely at Ferrybridge, a town 16 miles from that city, the attack commenced. The enemy had broken the ferry-bridge, and, occupying the narrow raft which our people had made after its destruction by handicraft, they stoutly disputed its passage, but we carried it sword in hand. Very many were killed on both sides, but at length the enemy showed their backs and many fell in the flight. That day’s battle was a great one; for it commenced about sunrise and lasted till about ten o’clock at night, such was the obstinacy and boldness of mortal men on the verge of a wretched death. At the town of Tadcaster, eight miles from York, very many of the fugitives were drowned in the river, the enemy having themselves broken the bridge in their rear beforehand. Of the remainder who escaped for the moment a great part were killed in that town, and in the city [of York]; and quite lately one might have still seen the bodies of these unfortunate men lying unburied, over a space nearly six miles in length and three or four furlongs broad. I understand that eleven lords of the enemy’s party perished, including the Earls of Devon and Northumberland, Lords de Clifford and Nevill, together with sundry knights; and according to the report of those acquainted with the particulars, the loss on both sides amounted to well nigh 28,000 men. Oh luckless race!

…to use the words of Lucan—a mighty people turning their victorious weapons against their entrails. Alas! we are a race deserving of pity even from the French, if indeed their breasts contain the smallest spark of pity for the blood of our people, who for civil and intestine war have thus set that hand which, if directed by a fitting leader against the perfidious enemies of Christendom, might possibly not a little have crippled their forces. But it is just that we—who, when so strongly urged by you and others to aid the army of the Pope against the foes of Christ, would neither contribute men nor money—should diminish our own wealth and shed our own blood in torrents for the sake of civil strife. But returning to the subject, the above mentioned puppet and Margaret herself, with her son, the Duke of Somerset and a few others, escaped to Newcastle, sixty miles north of York; though two letters have been forwarded hither, stating that the fugitives have been captured by certain knights, our adherents in that district. I cannot, however, venture to assert anything in this matter; but I fancy they will not easily get away.

I prefer you should learn from others than myself how manfully our King, the Duke of Norfolk, and my brother and uncle bore themselves in this battle; first fighting like common soldiers, then commanding, encouraging, and rallying their squadrons like the greatest captains.

After this, on the morrow, the eve of the kalends of April, our King with his army entered York peaceably, my brother, Lord Montagu, and Lord Berners, who had been left in the city when the enemy fled, having on that same day come to ask pardon for the citizens. I believe the King will remain there some time, to reorganise matters in those parts; whither I have bean quite lately commanded by his Majesty to betake myself.

I now hope that such storms will be succeeded by halcyon days, that a calmer breeze may rejoice us after such cloudy skies, and that we may at length reach the desired haven after so many wrecks. I will send news of further events, and hope you may return to England.

London, 7th ides of April [7 April]

George of Exeter

Letter from the earl of Salisbury to the prior of Erdebury

There is some discussion about the correct dating of this letter in Maurer, Margaret of Anjou, as well as in Hicks, Warwick the Kingmaker. The latter attributes the letter to 1459 and the former to 1454. While I’m aware that this might just be interpreted as sedition at the best, and the repudiation of one of my favourite historians at worst, I think Maurer’s probably right.

Maurer states: “[Margaret] may have felt that [Salisbury] could provide a moderating influence upon York. Salisbury’s loyalty had never been questioned; he had stood reliably with Henry at Dartford in 1452 when York had demanded Somerset’s arrest. And there is some reason to believe that he had formerly been on comfortable terms with Margaret. In happier times she had gone huting in his park of Ware, Salisbury’s letter to the prior of Erdesbury may reflect some memory of an easier relationship between them, though it also seems to acknowledge a sense, new perhaps, of her own power. It is noteworthy that it does not seek her intercession of intermediation with the king, but is concerned with making assurances of Salisbury’s own faithfulness to her.” (p 219)

The meat of the letter is contained in a mere 145 word towards the end: someone has accused the duke of York and the earls of Salisbury and Warwick of making accusations against others of high estate. While this may be a reference to the rumours of the bastardy of prince Edward, Maurer thinks the defence a bit light for such a serious charge. Whatever it is, Salisbury states that he is certainly not guilty, nor York and Warwick so far as he knows, which they will say for themselves if required.

[Addressed on the dorse: To the reverent father in god and my right especiall and tendre frende the priour of Erdebury]

Revernd father in god and my right especial and tendre frende I recomaunde me to yow, and in my right hertie and feithfull wise thanke yow of al your true and grete diligences and undelaied devoire that ye have many tymes put yow in at my special request and prayer to that that myght serve to theobteinyng of y right fervent desire to knowe and fele the good ladyship of the Quene oure soverein lady to me hir humble true servaunt, and in especial your grete labour in that bihalve sith my last speche with yow, as by your lettres brought me by the berer of thies. I conceive at large wherin among othre thing is contenede your desire and exhortacion me nat to varye from that I have promitted hertofore right largely by yow openned to hire said highnesse and that (yet) I see ye be nat dishonorede of your reportes in that bihalve, wherunto will ye wit that of eny promysse that I have made unto yow at eny tyme for my declaracion unto the said highnesse, and to have and stand in the favoure (favours) of hire good grae for the whiche oon of my moost earthly desires I pray yow as tendrely as I can to contynue therin your good will and devoir for my singular consolacon, I shal at all tymes kepe yow or eny other that labourfor me to that entent undishonored and nat to varie from my said promisse (promises) with godes mercie. And as toward the the blessed disposicon of the said good grace [et?] (yet) unto that that myght serve to rest and unitee comprised in hire gracioux lettres late directed to my lordes of the counseill whereof to my grete joy I have herd and god shal I doubt nat bie pleased therwith and prospre hire hie estate and the said lordes nat oonly, bot also al thoo whome the matiers (matiere) of the said blessed lettres touchen owe humbly and lowly to yeve laude and thanke to hire said highnesse therfore, as that I doo in my moost humble wise as soo on my bihalve as hire true servaunt with al myn hert and service, in that that mowe bee to hir hie pleasure I pray yow to declare me unto hire said grace. And where in your said lettres it is expressed that ye have herd language of accusacions of right hie estates to bie made by my lord of Yorke, my sone of Warrwice and me in matteres that have nat bee disclosed herebifore to their grete rebuke and etc, truely it is to my grete mervail by whate coloure reason or grounde eny such language by eny personne erthly myght bie uttred or saied, for as for myn own partie as I wol aunswere to our lord I nevere ymagined, thought ne (or) saied eny suche matter or any thing like therunto in my dayes. And in like wise I dare well say for my said lord and son as ferre as ever I herd or in eny wise knowe (knewe) unto their honire (this houre) as I doubt nat thai wol at al tymes right largely declaire for theim silf. And therfore therin or in eny othere, concernyng my trough I pray yow alway to aunswere largely for me. And if there bee thing that I may doo fo (to) your wele cretifieth em, and ye shal to the performing therof fynde me right hertly dispoed as our lord knoweth, which have yow ever in his blessed keping,

Writen at London the vij day of Marche.

Your good frende Richard Erl of Salisbury

UPDATE 2-1-15

Pollard (Warwick the Kingmaker, 205) suggests a different date again for this letter. Reading it within the context of unspecified accusations against the duke of York and requirements that both York and Warwick swear their loyalty to the King (but not Salisbury), and within the context of Margaret of Anjou’s growing influence and power, he suggests 1457 as a more likely date. His argument is sound and I now find I lean more towards his view than I previously had towards Maurer’s 1454 date. Pollard further convinces me that 1459 (as Hicks has it) is too late.

Letter from Richard Duke of York to Henry Holland Duke of Exeter

So, back to reality…

In searching for Cecily Nevill’s letter to Margaret of Anjou, I also found this. I’m assuming that the confusion about its intended recipient is well and truly cleared up. Rawcliffe* thought it was a letter to Edward, earl of March, though it would have been extraordinary if it was. But as she also is prepared to believe that Edward threatened to march on London at the head of an army at the age of ten, her confusion is perhaps not quite so surprising. Bearing in mind that around this time Edward and his brother Edmund sent their father a letter asking for help against the bullying Crofts, I think that if he’d had an army powerful enough to threaten London he’d have been able to sort this out himself! Pugh** (correctly) links it with Henry Holland, duke of Exeter, who was, at the time it was written, fomenting rebellion (or trying to) in the north of England alongside those two well known rapscallions, Thomas and Richard Percy.  (below is the version as found in Rawcliffe.)

The letter is dated 8 May 1454.

Right and myghti prince, right worshipfull and with all my hert enterely welbelovyd cosyn and sone, I recommaunde me un to you. And how be it your beyng late with me at London, I, havyng consideracon in the nyghness where yn we be knet to gedir in nature and alyaunce – which of reson must dryve and stere and so dryveth and stereth me to will and to desire of the good zele and tender affection that God knowyth y have bornne and bere to you and your honour, worship and prosperite – advertisid, moved and exhortid you to ley apart and fore bere the insolent rule and mysgovernaunce which hath been by you usid; and to dryve from youre felship such persons aproved of riottes and unrestfull conversacion as of there condicions and importunes mocions and provocacons have been and been, as it is demed, causers and occasioners of youre insolence. Whereof it is to blasfemously spokyn right largely in greet obliquie of your astate of the people, right hevely aggruggyng, complaynyng and lamentyng youre mysgovernaunce to my greete sorowe to here therof as y doo – to sorowfull and to peteous to be herd or reportid of such a prince of greete astate as blissid be god ye be. Sith that in princes of high and noble blode honour, prowesse, renown, noble and vertu hath be and owe to be by them stabelisship and exercisid, of whom persons of lower astate and degree have takyn, and shull take, ensample of their worshipfull and lawfull rule; and alway to eschire and drede to doo or attempte the contrarie, which settith against rest and felicite. Yat, nathless, y am enformed here that, not oonly by the drawght of people toward you from ferre parts of the land, but also by proviaunce of ordynaunce, defensable araie and habilements of werre in greete substaunce, ye do resort to greete and strong enforcementes, to what entent it is no knowen but mervayled, wherof rennyth a greete rumour and noise thorow this land in every partie. I therfor for myn aquitaille and devoir of faderly and cosynly affection especially exhorte, counseill and avise you to aplie and conforme you to my said advertisements; and to that that mowe sounde to the pollitique and restfull rule of this noble realme, obeyng you in all wise as ye owe to doo the kyng owr soverayne lord and the lawe of this land, which must and owe to be obeied of every his liegeman of what astate, degre or condicion so ever he be; trustyng for certayn that ye so doyng shull do god and to owr soverayn lord greete plesur, deserve of all his subiectes of good duite greete laude and thanke, do to youre self greete honour and prosperite and to me and all your kyn greete ioy and consulacion; and do revers to your greete geoperde and perill. And, for asmoch as y tryst verely that your cosynly favour and affection is such toward me as god knoweth myn is toward you, undre the consideracon abovesaid it will like you if ye be not disposid to drawe you to … of my said advertisements as y have greete hope and trust that ye woll. And therfor, on goddis bihalf, y require you not to take wounder or straungenes if that y put me in devour that y am bounden and owe to put me in to god of the assurence that y have made uppon the holy evaungeles among other lordes of this lande, and also to owre said soverayn lord and to his people of the chargis that y have admittid and taken uppon me by his high and noble commaundement; and thow y be not reymsse nor negligent in thexecucon of the same assuraunce and charge, wheryn y must oonly preferre the drede of god and of oure saverayn lord and refuse the favour and affection of ony other persone erthely, nether takyng regard there of of any persone undre the high astate of our said soverayn lord, the quene oure soverayn lady and my lord the prince, nor the nyghnesse to me of any createur alyve; desiryng and praying you to certifie me in wrytyng bithe bearer of this to what entent that ye enforce you of the said people, ordinaunce and habilementes of werre, and how ye playnly be disposid in the premises, wher un to y may yefe trust; notifieng un to you that my faderly and cosynly devoir in the same, not hid to god, y will open and shew un to the kyng and his counseill, and make to be open and shewid un to all this land to thentent that, what so ever hap here after ward thorow the contynuaunce of the said mysrule, it shall be verely be knowen what diligence y have doon and in what maner to reconsile it to such worshipfull, substantiall and lawfull governaunce that ye owe to use as a prince of this land, and to put your humble obeissaunce to wore said soverayn lord and his lawes. And y beseche oure lord evermore to have you in his kepyng. Wretend undre my sugnet at thabbey of Waltham the viij May
by Richard, duke of York and defensor of England.

There’s a teensy bit of arse covering towards the end, but it’s a strong letter written from a position of authority that illustrates just how seriously York was taking his role.  I wonder if Exeter actually took the time to read it – it’s quite long and (despite the assurances of love, both as cousin and father-in-law) uncompromisingly harsh.

*Rawcliffe, Richard Duke of York, the King’s ‘obeisant liegeman’: a New Source for the Protectorates of 1454 and 1455 (my copy ud)
** Pugh, Richard Duke of York, and the Rebellion of Henry Holand, Duke of Exeter, in May 1454 (my copy nd)